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american Statesmen 



JAMES MONROE 



BY 

DANIEL C. OILMAN 



>i 



PRESIDENT OF JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVEBSITY, BALTIMOBB 



WITH A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WRITINGS PERTINENT 
TO THE MONROE DOCTRINE 



BY 

JOHN F. JAMESON 




BOSTON AND NEW YORK 

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 

<^\)z fiitcrsiDc fxt^i Cambribge 



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Wit jRibersfte 3^ress 

CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS 
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A 



COPYRIGHT, 1S83, BY DANIEL C. OILMAN 

COPYRIGHT, 1S9S, BY DANIEL C. OILMAN AND 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO, 5 

COPYRIGHT, 1911, BY ELIZABETH D. W. GILMAN 
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



^i 



PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION 

At the time of the original preparation of 
this memoir the Monroe manuscripts, men- 
tioned in my preface thereto as being in the 
Department of State and in the possession of 
Mrs. Gouverneur, had not been calendared or 
arranged, and it was difficult to examine them 
with thoroughness. Since then the Department 
has published a calendar of the correspondence 
of James Monroe, which greatly enhances the 
value of the collection, and the present Libra- 
rian, S. M. Hamilton, has begun the publication 
of the writings of Monroe, which are to appear 
in several octavo volumes during the course of 
the next few months. By his courtesy and that 
of the publishers, Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
I have been favored with advanced sheets of 
the first volume, with the aid of which I have 
revised the earlier chapters of this memoir ; and 
I am very sorry that this edition must go to the 
press without my having an opportunity to see 
the complete collection of the writings. When 
they have appeared, a study of Monroe's two 



vi PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION 

administrations, like that of the administrations 
of Jefferson and Madison by Henry Adams, will 
be called for. I wish that he would undertake 
such a continuation of his " History of the 
United States." 

I desire to renew the expression, made in my 
earlier preface, of my obligations to Professor 
Jameson, now of Brown University, and then 
of Johns Hopkins University. In view of the 
importance of the Monroe Doctrine in current 
political debates, the bibliography, prepared by 
him and made a part of this volume, is of great 
utility. It has been revised and enlarged for 
this edition. 

DANIEL C. GILMAN, 

July 19, 1898. 



CONTENTS 

CHAP. PAGE 

Annals of Monroe's Life . , . , xi 

I. Student and Soldier 1 

II. Legislator and Governor of Virginia . 17 

III. Envoy in France 39 

IV. Envoy in France, Spain, and England . 77 
V. Secretary of State and of War , . 107 

VI. President of the United States . . , 128 

VII. The Monroe Doctrine , . , . 159 

<niL Synopsis of Monroe's Presidential Messages 180 

IX. Personal Aspect and Domestic Relations 208 

X. Retrospect. — Reputation .... 231 

APPENDIX 

I. The Monroe Genealogy .... 249 
n. Washington's Notes on the Appendix to 
Monroe's *'View of the Conduct of 

the Executive " 252 

III. Bibliography of Monroe and the Monroe 

Doctrine . 260 

Inde:^ 295 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

James Monroe Frontispiece 

From the original painting- by Gilbert Stuart, in the 
possession of T. Jefferson Coolidge, Esq., Boston. 

Autograph from a MS. in the Library of the Boston 
Athenaeum. 

The vignette of " Oak Hill," James Monroe's home, 
near Aldie, Loudoun County, Va., is from a photo- 
tograph kindly furnished by Henry Fairfax, Esq., the 
present occupant and owner. Page 

William Pinkney facing 100 

From the original painting by Charles Wilson Peale, 
in the possession of Pinkney's grandson, William 
Pinkney Whyte, Esq., Baltimore, Md. 

Autograph from a letter owned by Mr. Whyte. 

George Canning facing 174 

After an engraving by William Holl, from a paint- 
ing by T. Stewarflson, published by Fisher, Son & Co., 
London, 1830. 

Autograph from the same engraving. 

William Wirt facing 226 

After an engraving by A. B. Walter, from a por- 
trait by Charles B. King, in " Memoirs of the Life 
of William Wirt," by John P. Kennedy, published by 
Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia, 1849. 

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston 
Public Library. 



ANXALS OF MONROE'S LIFE 

BOYHOOD AND MILITARY SERVICE. 

n58. Bom in Westmoreland Co., Virg-inia, April 28. 
1765. Stamp Act passed. 

AGE 

1 7 74. Enters William and Mary College 16 

1776. Declaration of Independence. 

1776. In the Continental Army, — at Haerlem, etc. . . 18 

1777. Aide to Lord Stirling 19 

1778. Returns to Virginia 20 

1780. Military Commissioner from Virginia to the South- 

ern army — 

BEGINXIXG OF CIVIL SER^^CE. — U. S. SENATOR. 

1780. Student of law, under Jefferson 22 

1782. Chosen to the Assemhly 24 

1752. Member of the Executive Council 24 

1753. Treaty of Peace with England. 

1788. Member of the Continental Congress (till 1786) . 25 

178-5. Proposes his Commercial Resolutions 27 

1786. Marries Miss Kortwright of New York, Feb- 

ruary ■^ • 

1786. Practices law in Fredericksburg 28 

1787. Chosen again to the Assembly 29 

1787. Formation of the Constitution. 

1788. Member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the 

Constitution ^^ 

1790. United States Senator (till 1794) 33 

1791. Member of the Commission for revising the laws 

of Virginia 33 

1791. Makes a home in Albermarle Co., near Jeffer 
son 



33 



xii ANNALfci OF MONROE'S LIFE 

FIRST DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. — GOVERNOR. 

AOB 

1794. Commissioned Minister to France (May 28) . . . 36 

1794. Fall of Robespierre, July 28. 

1794. Arrives in Paris (August 2) and is received by 

the National Convention (Aug-ust 15) ... 36 
1796. Recalled to this country (August 22) 38 

1796. Takes leave of the French Government (Decem- 

ber 30) 38 

1797. Publishes his " View, etc." 39 

1798. Alien and Sedition Acts passed. 

1799. Chosen Governor of Virginia (twice reelected, * 

holding office till 1802) 41 

1799. Death of Washington. 
1801. Election of Jefferson. 

SECOND DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. — GOVERNOR. 

1803. Commissioned Minister to France and to Spain 

(January 11) 44 

1803. Arrives in Paris (April 12) 44 

1803. Commissioned Minister to England (April 18) . . 44 

1803. Signs the treaty ceding Louisiana (April 30). . , 45 

1803. Leaves Paris (July 12) 45 

1804. Napoleon becomes Emperor. 

1804. Goes from London to Madrid to negotiate about 

Florida 46 

1805. Takes leave of the Spanish Court (May 21) . . . 47 

1806. Commissioned, with Pinkney, to negotiate a treaty 

with England 47 

1806. Berlin and Milan Decrees. 

1806. Treaty negotiated (December 31) 48 

1807. Leaves England (October 29) 49 

1807. British Orders in Council. 

1808. Addresses Madison on the rejected treaty (Feb- 

ruary 28) 49 

1810. Chosen the third time to the Assembly .... 52 

1811. Again chosen Governor of Virginia 53 



ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE xiii 

IN THE CABINET OF MADISON. 

AG? 

1811. Appointed Secretary of State (till 1817) .... 51 

1812. Declaration of war against England. 

1814. Appointed Secretary of War (till 1815) .... 56 

1814. Capture of Washington by the British 56 

1814. Treaty of Ghent. 

PRESIDENT. 

1817. Inaugurated President (March 4) 58 

1817. Tour to the Eastern States (June 2 to September 

17) 59 

1819. Cession of Florida 61 

1820. Missouri admitted 61 

1821. Inaugurated President for a second term .... 62 

1822. Independence of Mexico, etc., recognized .... 63 
182.3. Enunciation of "the Monroe Doctrine," Message 

of December 2 65 

1824. Reception of Lafayette » 66 

OLD AGE. 

1825. Retires from the office of President and from 

public life 66 

1826. Elected a Visitor of the University of Virginia . 67 
1826. Death of Adams and of Jefferson. 

1829. Member of Virginia Constitutional Convention . 71 

1830. Death of Mrs. Monroe. 

1831. Dies in New York (July 4) 73 

1836. Death of Madison. 

1858. Reinterred in Richmond, on the centennial of his 

birth. 
1898 His writings collected for publication in several 

volumes. 



i 



JAMES MONROE 



CHAPTER I 

STUDENT AND SOLDIER 

The name of James Monroe, fifth president 
of the United States, is associated with the chief 
political events in the history of this country 
during a period of somewhat more than fifty 
years. He served with gallantry in the army 
of the Revolution and was hioh in office during* 
the progress of the second contest with Great 
Britain, and during the Seminole war ; he was 
a delegate and a senator in Congress ; he was 
called to the chief legislative and executive sta- 
tions in Virginia ; he represented the United 
States in France, Spain, and England ; he was 
a prominent agent in the purchase of Louisiana 
and Florida; he was a member of Madison's 
cabinet, and directed (for a while simultane- 
ously) the departments of State and War; he 
was twice chosen president, the second time 
by an almost unanimous vote of the electoral 



2 JAMES MONROE 

college ; his name is given to a political doctrine 
of fundamental importance ; his administration 
is known as " the era of good feeling : " yet no 
adequate memoir of his life has been written, 
and while the papers of Washington, Adams, 
Jefferson, and Madison — his four predecessors 
in the office of president — have been collected 
and printed in a convenient form, the student 
of Monroe's career must search for the data in 
numerous public documents, and in the unas- 
ported files of unpublished correspondence. 

Monroe is not alone among the ilkistrious 
Virginians whose memory it is well to revive. 
Many years ago, St. George Tucker wrote to 
William Wirt, in a half-playful, half-earnest 
tone, that Socrates himself would pass unnoticed 
and forgotten in Virginia, if he were not a public 
character and some of his speeches preserved in 
a newspaper. " Who knows anything," he asks, 
" of Peyton Randolph, once the most popular 
man in Virginia? Who remembers Thompson 
Mason, esteemed the first lawyer at the bar ; or 
his brother George Mason, of whom I have heard 
Mr. Madison say that he possessed the greatest 
talents for debate of any man he had ever heard 
speak? What is known of Dabney Carr but 
that he made the motion for appointing com- 
mittees of correspondence in 1773? Virginia 
has produced few men of finer talents, as I 



II 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 3 

fiave repeatedly heard. I mi^lit name a num- 
ber of others," continues Tucker, " highly re- 
spected and influential men, , . . yet how little 
is known of one half of them at the present 
day ? " Certainly in this second " era of good 
feeling " the impartial study of such lives is a 
most inviting field of biographical research, and 
may especially be commended to advanced stu- 
dents in our universities, who can, by careful 
delineations, each of some one career, contribute 
to the general stock of historical knowledge, 
and acquire, at the same time, a vivid personal 
interest in the progress of past events. 

I shall not attempt to give in detail the per- 
sonal and domestic history of Monroe, nor can 
I, in the space at command, do justice to his 
voluminous writings ; but I shall endeavor to 
show what he was in public, how he bore himself 
in the legislative, diplomatic, and administrative 
positions to which he was called, and what in- 
fluence he exerted upon the progress of this 
country. It will be necessary for the complete- 
ness of the study to inquire into the early train- 
ing which gave an impulse to his life, and to 
examine, in conclusion, the opinions pronounced 
upon his conduct by those who knew him and 
by those who came after him. Another hand 
will doubtless draw a more elaborate portrait ; 
I shall only try to give a faithful sketch of an 



1 JAMES MONROE 

honest and patriotic citizen as he discharged the 
duties of exalted stations. The materials for a 
complete memoir will soon be at command, when 
the publication of the writings of James Monroe, 
edited by S. M. Hamilton, shall be completed.^ 

James Monroe, according to the family tradi- 
tion recorded by his son-in-law, came from a 
family of Scotch cavaliers, descendants of Hec- 
tor Monroe, an officer of Charles I.^ His parent- 
age on both sides was Virginian. The father 
of James was Spence Monroe, and his mother 
was Eliza Jones, of King George County, a 
sister of Joseph Jones, who was twice sent as a 
delesfate from Yiroinia to the Continental Con- 
gress, and afterwards, in 1789, was appointed 
judge of the district court in the same State. 
Westmoreland County, where the future presi- 
dent was born, lies on the right bank of the 
Potomac, between that river and the Rappahan- 
nock. It is famous for the fertility of its soil, 
and for the eminent men who have been among 
its inhabitants. Near the head of Monroe's 
Creek, which empties into the Potomac, James 
Monroe was born, April 28, 1758. Not far 
away, nearer the Potomac, was the birthplace 
of George Washington. In the same vicinity 

1 New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 6 vols. 8vo. 1898. 
^ See Appendix. 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 5 

dwelt Rlcliard Henry Lee and his noted bro- 
thers, and also their famous cousin, Henry Lee^ 
known as " Light Horse Harry," whose still 
more famous son, Robert E. Lee, led the Con- 
federate army in the recent war. Here also 
was the early home of Bushrod Washington , 
The birthplace of James Madison was in the 
same peninsula, though not in the same county. 
It is not strange that the enthusiastic antiqua- 
ries, half a century ago, — Martin, Barber, and 
the rest, — should speak of this region as the 
Athens of Virginia, an expression which may 
not be regarded as exact by classical scholars, 
but cannot be called unpatriotic. The ascend- 
ency of this region is not without its parallel.^ 

During Monroe's boyhood, his neighbors and 
friends were greatly excited by the passage of 
the Stamp Act. In 1766, several of them, in- 

1 A recent writer (Hon. F. J. Kingsbury) on old Connecticut 
makes the following remark : ' ' From the earliest settlement 
of Connecticut down to the end of the first quarter of the 
present century, agriculture was the important branch of our 
industry, and land was the source as well as the representative 
of most of our wealth. For two hundred years it is safe tc 
say that the good land governed the State. Everywhere it 
was only necessary to know the soil in order to know also the 
character of the people. The best soil bore everywhere the 
best men and women, and that seed which had been winnowed 
out of the granaries of the old world to plant in the new, did 
not take unkindly to the strong uplands and rich bottoms of 
the great river and its tributaries." 



6 JAMES MONROE 

eluding Richard Henry Lee, Spence Monroe, 
and John Monroe, joined in a remonstrance 
against the execution of the act, and in many- 
other ways showed their hostility to the arbi- 
trary rule of the British government. Lee had 
received an academic training about ten years 
before at an academy in Wakefield, Yorkshire, 
and was a correspondent of men of station in 
Xiondon. He suggested to his neighbors, in 
1767, that they should subscribe for a portrait 
of Camden, then Lord High Chancellor, as a 
token of their admiration for his opposition to 
the Stamp Act. The amount which they raised, 
^76 8s., was sent to Mr. Edmund Jennings, Lin- 
coln's Inn, London, with a request that he would 
take the requisite steps to procure the portrait. 
Sir Joshua Reynolds was ^' the limner " selected 
by the Virginians, but Lee did not hesitate to 
give his personal opinion that " Mr. West, being 
an American, ought to be preferred in this mat- 
ter." Lord Camden, wrote Jennings, "having 
appointed several different times for Mr. West's 
attending on him, hath at length, it seems, to- 
tally forgot his promise. . . . Draw for the 
money, and should his lordship at any time 
recollect his engagement, and be worthy of 
your approbation and honoring, I shall beg the 
gentlemen [of Westmoreland] to accept from 
me his portrait." The Virginians were also 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 7 

eajrer to have a portrait of Lord Chatham, and 
their correspondent, Mr. Jennings, had a fine 
likeness copied and sent to the old Dominion. 
Lee wrote from Chantilly, in 1769, that the gen- 
tlemen of Westmoreland returned their thanks 
" for the very genteel present of Lord Chat- 
ham's picture. It arrived in fine order, and is 
very much admired. They propose to place it 
in the courthouse, thinking the Assembly may 
furnish themselves with his lordship's picture." 
He adds that his brother, Di*. Lee, can show Mr. 
Jennings " the proceedings of our last Assem- 
bly, by which you may judge how bright the 
flame of liberty burns here, and may surely con- 
vince a tyrannous administration that honesty 
and equity alone can secure the cordiality and 
affection of Virginia." Under influences like 
these the young Monroe was trained in the love 
of civil liberty. Indeed, Bishop Meade declares 
that Virginia had been fighting the battles of 
the Revolution for one hundred and fifty years 
before the Declaration.^ 

The College of William and Mary had been 
in existence, with varying fortunes, not far from 
one hundred and fifteen years, when James 
Monroe entered it as a student, a short time 
before the beginning of the war. Its historian 
claims that it was then the richest college in 
1 Old Churches, etc., of Virginia, i. 15. 



8 JAMES MONROE 

North America, having an annual income of 
X4,000. A scholar cannot read the early ac- 
counts of that venerable foundation, next in age 
to Harvard, and examine the list of those who 
have been trained for their country's service 
within its walls, without deep regret that the 
fire and the sword have so often interfered with 
its prosperity, or without rejoicing that its name 
and usefulness are still honorably perpetuated. 

When Monroe began his college studies, Wil- 
liamsburg, the strategic point of the peninsula 
between tha Jaines and the York, was the seat 
both of the colonial government and of the col- 
lege. Bishop Meade, with conscious exaggera- 
tion, speaks of the caj)ital as a miniature copy 
of the Court of St. James, " while the old church 
and its grave-yard, and the college chapel were 
— si licet cum ?nagms compo7iere parva — the 
Westminster Abbey and the St. Paul's of Lon- 
don, where the great ones were interred." 

At the signal of rebellion against the British 
authority, three of the professors and between 
twenty-five and thirty students are said to have 
joined their comrades from Harvard, Yale, and 
Princeton in the military ranks. Among the 
volunteers John Marshall and James Monroe 
were found. In allusion to these young patriots, 
Hon. H. B. Grigsby, in his historical discourse 
on the Virginia Convention of 1776, spoke as 
follows : — 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 9 

" I see that generous band of students who at the 
beginning of the Revohition hurriedly cast aside the 
gown and sallied forth to fight the battles of the 
United Colonies ; . • . and when the struggle waf 
past I see two tall and gallant youths, who had beei 
classmates in early youth, and whose valor had shone 
on many a field, enter their names on your lists and, 
after an abode beneath your roof, depart once more 
to serve their country in the Senate and in the most 
celebrated courts of Europe, crowning their past ca- 
reer by filling, one the chief magistracy of the Union, 
the other the highest of the federal judiciary." 

It is also worthy of incidental mention that 
the Phi Beta Kappa Society, still flourishing in 
American colleges, the earliest of " Greek-letter 
fraternities," was formed at William and Mary, 
December 5, 1776. The first meeting, we are 
told, was held in the Apollo Hall of the old 
Ealeigh tavern, a room in which the burning 
words of Patrick Henry had been heard. In 
the printed list of original members the names 
of John Marshall and Bushrod Washington 
appear, but I do not find James Monroe's. 

The public career of James Monroe begar 
in 1776 with his joining the Continental arm} 
at the headquarters of Washington near New 
York, as a lieutenant in the third Virginian regi- 
ment under Colonel Hugh Mercer. He was with 
the troops at Harlem (September 16), and at 



10 JAMES MONROE 

White Plains (October 28), and at Trenton, 
where he received an honorable wound (Decem- 
ber 26). His part in the last mentioned en- 
gagement is described by General Wilkinson in 
his printed memoirs, and with slightly different 
language in a manuscript preserved in the 
Gouverneur papers. From this statement it ap- 
pears that, as the British were forming in the 
main street of Trenton, the advanced guard of 
the American left was led by Captain William 
Washington and Lieutenant James Monroe. 
The British were driven back and two pieces of 
artillery were captured. Captain Washington 
was wounded through the wrist, and Lieutenant 
Monroe through the shoulder. " These particu- 
lar acts of gallantry," says the narrative, " have 
never been noticed, yet they cannot be too 
highly appreciated, since to them may, in a 
great measure, be ascribed the facility of our 



success." 



During the campaigns of 1777-78 Monroe 
served as a volunteer aid, and with the rank of 
major, on the staff of the Earl of Stirling, and 
took part in the battles of Brandy wine (Sep- 
tember 11), Germantown (October 4), and 
Monmouth (June 28).^ His temporary promo- 
tion appears to have been an obstacle to his 

1 He is said to have been with Lafayette when the latter 
\ras wonnded. 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 11 

permanent preferment, for by it he lost his 
place in the Continental line. Strong influences 
were brought to bear in Virginia to secure for 
him some suitable position in the forces of that 
State. Lord Stirling gave him testimonials, 
and the commander-in-chief wrote a lono: let- 
ter, — addressed to Colonel Archibald Cary, and 
doubtless intended for other eyes, — rehearsing 
in terms of careful commendation the merits of 
young Monroe. These are the words of Wash- 
ington : — 

" The zeal he discovered by entering the service at 
an early period, the character he supported in his 
regiment, and the manner in which he distinguished 
himself at Trenton, when he received a wound, in- 
duced me to appoint him to a captaincy in one of the 
additional regiments. This regiment failing, from the 
difficulty of recruiting, he entered into Lord Stirling's 
family and has served two campaigns as a volunteer 
aid to his lordship. He has in every instance main- 
tained the reputation of a brave, active, and sensible 
officer. As we cannot introduce him into the Conti- 
nental line, it were to be wished that the State could 
do something for him. If an event of this kind could 
take place, it would give me particular pleasure ; as 
the esteem I have for him, and a regard to his merit, 
conspire to make me earnestly wish to see him pro- 
vided for in some handsome way." 

But even the possession of a good record, 



12 JAMES MONROE 

and the encouragement of Washington, with 
the indorsements of Lord Stirling and the 
patronage of Jefferson, coukl not effect every- 
thing. Mr. Adams says the exliausted state of 
the country prevented the raising of a new regi- 
ment, and the active military services of Mon- 
roe were afterwards restricted to occasional 
duties as a vohmteer in defense of the State 
against the distressing invasions with which it 
was visited. Once, after the fall of Charleston, 
S. C, in 1780, according to the same writer, he 
re-appeared, by request of Governor Jefferson, 
as a military commissioner to collect and report 
information with regard to the condition and 
prospects of the Southern army, — a trust 
which he discharged to the satisfaction of the 
authorities.^ He thus attained to the rank of 
lieutenant-colonel, and here his military services 
were interrupted. 

It is not surprising to discover that the young 
officer, who had quickly attained distinction, 
was paralyzed by inactivity. " Till lately," he 
writes to Lord Stirling in September, 1782, 
apologizing for a long epistolary silence, " 1 
have been a recluse. Chagrined with my dis- 
appointment in not attaining the rank and com- 
mand I sought, chagrined with some disappoint- 
ments in a private line, I retired from society 
1 Eulogy by J. Q. Adams. 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 13 

with almost a resolution never to return to it 



again." 



In this state of mind he thought of going 
abroad, to spend some time in the south of 
France, probably at Montpellier, with perhaps 
a year at the Temple in London. Jefferson 
wrote a letter introducing him to Franklin, then 
resident in Paris, but " a series of disappoint- 
ments I'especting the vessels he had expected to 
sail in " prevented his departure ; and he con- 
tinued, under Jefferson's guidance, the reading 
of law. There is an interesting letter addressed 
to Monroe, in the time of his despondency, by 
Judge Jones, whose name has already been 
mentioned. It combines the shrewd remarks 
upon political affairs of a man in public life, 
with confidential suggestions to a nephew whom 
he was watching with almost paternal affection. 
Monroe had consulted his uncle as to whether it 
would be best for him to follow the lectures on 
law to be given by Mr. Wythe, in the college 
at Williamsburg, or to follow the fortunes of 
Mr. Jefferson, then governor, at Richmond. 
He received the following reply : — 

JOSEPH JONES TO JAMES MONROE, MARCH 7, 1780. 

" This post will bring you a letter from me, ac- 
counting for your not hearing sooner what had been 
done in your affairs. If your overseer sends up be- 
fore next post-day you shall hear the particulars. 



14 JAMES MONROE 

Charles Lewis, going down to the college, gives me 
an opportunity of answering, by him, your inquiry 
respecting your removal with the governor, or at- 
tending Mr. Wythe's lectures. If Mr. Wythe means 
to pursue Mr. Blackstone's method I should think 
you ought to attend him from the commencement of 
his course, if at all, and to judge of this, for want of 
proper information, is difficult ; indeed I incline to 
think Mr. Wythe, under the present state of our 
laws, will be much embarrassed to deliver lectures 
with that perspicuity and precision which might be 
expected from him under a more established and set- 
tled state of them. The undertaking is arduous and 
the subject intricate at the best, but is rendered much 
more so from the circumstances of the country and 
the imperfect system now in use, inconsistent in some 
instances with the principles of the Constitution of the 
national government. Should the revision be passed 
the next session, it would, I think, lighten his labors 
and render them more useful to the student ; other- 
wise he will be obliged to pursue the science under 
the old form, pointing out in his course the inconsist- 
ency with the present established government and 
the proposed alterations. Whichever method he may 
like, or whatever plan he may lay down to govern 
him, I doubt not it will be executed with credit to 
himself and satisfaction and benefit to his auditors. 
The governor need not fear the favor of the commu- 
nity as to his future appointment, while he continues 
to make the common good his study. I have no in- 
timate acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson, but from the 



STUDENT AND SOLDIER 15 

knowledge I have of him, lie is in my opinion as 
proper a man as can be put into the office, having 
the requisites of ability, firmness, and diligence. You 
do well to cultivate his friendship, and cannot fail to 
entertain a grateful sense of the favors he has con- 
ferred upon you, and while you continue to deserve 
his esteem he will not withdraw his countenance. If, 
therefore, upon conferring with him upon the subject 
he wishes or shows a desire that you go with him, I 
would gratify him. Should you remain to attend 
Mr. Wythe, I would do it with his approbation, and 
under the expectation that when you come to Rich- 
mond you shall hope for the continuance of his friend- 
ship and assistance. There is likelihood the cam- 
paign will this year be to the South, and in the course 
of it events may require the exertions of the militia of 
this State ; in which case, should a considerable body 
be called for, I hope Mr. Jefferson will head them 
himself ; and you no doubt will be ready cheerfully 
to give him your company and assistance, as well to 
make some return of civility to him as to satisfy your 
own feelings for the common good." 

No one will be surprised to find that under 
such circumstances, and with such advice, the 
young aspirant attached himself to the gov- 
ernor. He writes to Lord Stirling, in the letter 
already quoted, " I submitted the direction of 
my time and plan to my friend Mr. Jefferson, 
one of our wisest and most virtuous republicans, 
and aided by his advice I have hitherto, of late, 



16 JAMES MONROE 

lived." In September, 1780, he writes to Jeffer. 
son a warm expression of gratitude. 

A variety of disappointments, he says, had 
perplexed his plan of life and exposed him to 
inconveniences which had nearly destroyed him. 
"In this situation you [Mr. Jefferson] became 
acquainted with me, and undertook the direction 
of my studies ; and, believe me, I feel that what- 
ever I am at present in the opinion of others, or 
whatever I may be in future, has greatly arisen 
from your friendship. My plan of life is now 
fixed." 

It is clear that his intimacy with Jefferson, 
the early stages of which are here described, was 
the key to Monroe's political career. On many 
subsequent occasions the support and counsel of 
the older statesman had a marked influence 
upon the life of the younger. Their friendship 
continued till it was broken by Jefferson's 
death. Fifty years after the incidents here nar- 
rated the teacher and the pupil, having both 
served in the office of president, were associated 
with a third ex-president, the life-long friend of 
both, in the control of the University of Vir- 
ginia, and repeatedly met in council at Char- 
lottesville. 



CHAPTER II 
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

Monroe was called into service as a legis. 
lator at a very early period of his life. If his 
public career had been restricted to the service 
of his native State, he would have been con- 
spicuous among the statesmen of Virginia. He 
was first a delegate to the Assembly from King 
George County, and a member of the executive 
council ; he went to the fourth, fifth, and sixth 
Congresses of the Confederation ; he was one of 
the commissioners appointed to revise the laws 
of Virginia ; for a second time he was returned 
to the Assembly ; he was a member of the con- 
vention in Virginia which adopted the United 
States Constitution ; he was a senator of the 
United States before his diplomatic service be- 
gan ; and after long interruptions, and the at- 
tainment of national eminence, his presence gave 
dignity to the convention which adopted the 
Constitution of 1830, though age and infirmities 
precluded an active participation in the proceed- 
ings. Eleven years of his early life were nearly 
all devoted to legislative work, but so far as this 



18 JAMES MONROE 

related to the affairs of Virginia I do not dis- 
cover any traces of noteworthy influence. A 
letter of his to Jefferson, in 1782, when the 
latter in an aggrieved mood was absenting him- 
self from the House of Delegates, has been 
printed, and the reply which it drew forth J 
The plainness of Monroe's words and the frank- 
ness of the reply which he received, indicate a 
continuance of the intimacy already referred to. 
It was likewise to Monroe that Jefferson wrote, 
three years later, from Paris, explaining why he 
did not publish his printed notes on Virginia : 
" I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery 
and of our Constitution will do more harm than 
good ; " and again, " I sincerely wish you may 
find it convenient to come here ; the pleasure of 
the trip will be less than you expect, but the 
utility greater. It will make you adore your 
own country, its soil, its climate, its equality, 
liberty, laws, peoj)le, and manners." 

On the other hand, as a delegate in Congress 
Monroe was conspicuous, and the record of his 
service is closely involved with those important 
discussions which revealed the imperfection of 
the Confederation. His term of service ex- 
tended from 1783 to 1786, and he attended the 
sessions which were held in Annapolis, — where 
he saw Washington resign his commission,—* 

^ Jefferson's Works, i. 316. Randall's Jefferson, i. 413. 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 19 

Trenton, and New York. During this period 
he corresponded intimately, sometimes using a 
3ipher, with Joseph Jones, Richard Henry Lee, 
Madison, and eTefferson ; and a large part of his 
letters are still extant, with many of the an- 
swers. 

An interesting letter from Monroe to Lee 
states succinctly the problems which perplexed 
the national legislature, now that peace was 
secured. " There are before us," he writes, 
" some questions of the utmost consequence that 
can arise in the councils of any nation," and he 
enumerates the peace establishment ; the regula- 
tion of commerce ; the maintenance of troops for 
the protection of the frontiers ; the regulation 
of settlements in the country westward ; and the 
counteraction of the narrow commercial policy 
of European powers. The determination of a 
site "for the residence of Congress" likewise 
demanded serious consideration, and Monroe 
served upon a committee which visited George- 
town in May, 1784, and decided to report in 
favor of the Maryland side of the Potomac, the 
present site of the capital. 

As the powers of the Confederation were 
quite inadequate for the proper regulation of 
commerce, Congress, and thoughtful men whG 
were not in Congress, were seriously engaged 
in searching for the remedy. Monroe took a 



20 JAMES MONROE 

prominent part in the discussions, and the note, 
worthy motion which he made upon the subject 
was referred to a special committee, who re- i| 
ported a recommendation, that the ninth of the 
articles of confederation be so altered as to 
secure to Congress the power to regulate com- 
merce, with the assent of nine States in Con= 
gress assembled.^ 

He favored a regulation that all imposts 
should be collected under the authority and 
accrue to the use of the State in which the 
same might be payable. The report embodying 
this proviso was read in Congress March 28, 
1785, and the copy of it preserved in the pub- 
lic archives has a few corrections in Monroe's 
handwriting. Many interesting papers are ex- 
tant which bear upon this question, — among 
them a letter from James McHenry to Wash- 
ington, and the latter's reply. The Virginia 
Assembly also engaged in the discussion of a 
series of propositions which tended in the same 
direction. Monroe's views can readily be traced 
in his letters to Jefferson and Madison during 
the session of Congress in the winter of 1784-85. 
On April 12 Monroe wrote to Jefferson, sending 

1 This subject has been carefully studied by Mr. Bancroft, 
and presented in his new volumes with so much fullness that 
I can only follow his guidance. See his Hist, of the U. S* 
Const, i. 192-196. Cf. Sparks, Washington, ix. 503-507. 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 21 

him the committee's report, and saying that he 
thinks it best to postpone action on it for a 
time. ^' It hath been brought so far," he adds, 
" without a prejudice against it. If carriec' 
farther here, prejudices will take place." He 
thinks it better that the States should act sepa- 
rately upon the measure. A few weeks later he 
wrote asfain to Jefferson as follows : " The re- 
port upon the ninth article hath not been taken 
up ; the importance of the subject and the deep 
and radical chans^e it will create in the bond of 
the Union, together wdth the conviction that 
somethino: must be done, seems to create an 
aversion or rather a fear of acting on it." Then 
as if he foresaw the comins: concentration of 
powers in the general government, he expresses 
a belief that the pro^^osed change, if adopted, 
will certainly form "• the most permanent and 
powerful principle in the Confederation." ^ A 
month later (July 15) Jefferson was again told 
how the debate went forw^ard. ''In my opinion," 
says Monroe, " the reasons in favor of changing 
the ninth article are conclusive, but the opposi- 
tion is respectable in point of numbers as well 
as talents. What will be done is uncertain." 
To Madison he afterwards writes, summing up 

1 Bancroft, Hist, of the U. S. Const, i. 450-455. See the 
entire letter dated June 16, 1785, given with many others is 
The Writings of James Monroe, vol. i. New York, 1898. 



22 JAMES MONROE 

quite carefully the arguments on both sides. 
December came and Congress did not act 
"•The advocates for the measure will scarcely 
succeed," said Randolph to Washington, ^' so 
strong are the apprehensions in some minds of 
an abuse of the power." At the end of the 
month, Monroe, still sure of the necessity of 
committing to the United States the power of 
recnilatincr trade, wrote once more to Madison. 
In February the prospect was no better. In 
May there was a srleam of li^irht. The plan of 
a convention at Annapolis, which in March 
Monroe himself had not favored, had taken 
the subject from before Congress. '* As it ori- 
srinated with our State,'' he writes, " we think 
it our duty to promote its object by all the 
means in our power. Of its success I must 
confess I have some hope. . . . Truth and 
sound state policy in every instance will urge 
the conunission of the power to the United 
States," Thus it was that Congress by its 
own lack of power was led to the convention 
which formed the Constitution, and, in a far 
wiser manner than that originally suggested, 
provided for the regulation of trade. But in 
August Monroe was despondent. '-Our affairs," 
he writes, "are daily falling into a worse situ- 
adon ; " there is a party, he says, ready to dis- 
Baember the confederacy and throw the States 



LEGISLATOR A^T) GOVERNOR 23 

eastward of the Hudson into one gOYemment. 
He urges Madison to use his utmost exertions 
in the conTention to obtain good as well as to 
prevent mischief, and adds to his appeal this 
pregnant postscript : "I hare always consid- 
ered the regulation of trade in the hands of 
the United States as necessary to preserve the 
Union ; without it, it will infallibly tumble to 
pieces ; but I earnestly wish the admission of a 
few additional States into the confederacy in 
the Southern scale." The question, it is well 
known, was finally settled in the convention 
at Philadelphia, when Delaware and South Car- 
olina voted with the North as'ainst ^Maryland, 
Virginia. North Carolina, and Georgia.^ 

In ^iareh. 1784. Monroe, with Jefferson, 
Hardv, and A. Lee. delivered to Conorress a 
deed which ceded to the United States Yircnnia's 
claims to the Northwest Territory, and thence- 
forward the government of that region continued 
to be one of the subjects in which he took most 
interest. Diirino^ the summer recess of Conoress 
he made an extended tour of observation. To 
Jefterson, July 20, he wrote as follows : " The 
day after to-morrow I set out upon the route 
chrousrh the western country. I have chansred 
the direction and shall commence for the west- 
ward upon the North River by Albany. I shall 

^ Bancroft, iL 162. 



24 JAMES MONROE 

pass tlirougli the lakes, visit the posts, and come 
down to the Ohio and thence home." Thus h( 
hopes " to acquire a better knowledge of th( 
posts which we should occupy, the cause of the 
delay of the evacuation by British troops, the 
temper of the Indians toward us, — as well as 
of the soil, waters, and in general the natural 
view of the country." Upon his return he wrote 
to Governor Harrison, October 30, respecting 
unfriendly, if not hostile, manifestations which 
had been made in Canada ; and to Madison, 
November 15, on the importance of garrisoning 
the western forts, about to be given up by the 
British. To Jefferson a confidential letter was 
sent especially bearing upon the relation of 
Canada to the United States.^ It was intended 
to throw light upon the provisions of a com- 
mercial treaty with England. 

Some months later, when a conference was to 
be held at the mouth of the Great Miami with 
the Shawnees, Monroe again went beyond the 
Alleghanies, as far as Fort Pitt, and began the 
descent of the Ohio, but abandoned the expedi- 
tion on account of the low state of the water, 
and returned to Richmond. These two jour- 
neys had a marked influence upon his action in 
Congress, as the careful narrative of Bancroft, 
already repeatedly cited, shows most clearly, 

« 

1 See The Writings of James Monroe, vol. i. p. 41. 



, m 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 25 

On the motion of Monroe a grand committee 
was appointed by Congress to consider the divi- 
sion of the western territory, and their report 
was presented March 24. A little later, another 
committee, of which Monroe was chairman, was 
appointed to consider and report a form of tem= 
porary government for the Western States. 
His report, which said nothing of slavery, failed 
of adoption. A year later a new committee 
prepared a new ordinance, which embodied the 
best parts of the work of their predecessors. I 
will give the rest of the story in Bancroft's 
language : — , 

" The ordinance contained no allusion to slavery ; 
and in that form it received its first reading and was 
ordered to be printed. Grayson, then presiding offi- 
cer of Congress, had always opposed slavery. Two 
years before he had wished success to the attempt of 
King for its restriction ; and everything points to 
him as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of 
disinterested statesmanship which took possession of 
every Southern man in the assembly. Of the mem- 
bers of Virginia, Richard Henry Lee had stood 
against Jefferson on this very question ; but now hi 
acted with Grayson, and from the States of which no 
man had yielded before, every one chose the part 
which was to bring on their memory the benedictions 
of all coming ages. Obeying an intimation from the 
South, Nathan Dane copied from Jefferson the pro- 
hibition of involuntary servitude in the territory, and 



26 JAMES MONROii: 

quieted alarm by adding from the report of King 
a clause for the delivering up of the fugitive slave. 
This, at the second reading of the ordinance, he 
moved as a sixth article of compact, and on the 
thirteenth day of July, 1787, the great statute for- 
bidding slavery to cross the river Ohio was passed 
by the vote of Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- 
lina, Virginia, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, 
and Massachusetts, all the States that were then pre- 
sent in Congress. Pennsylvania and three States of 
New England were absent ; Maryland only of the 
South." 

At the next Assembly in Virginia, a commit- 
tee, of which Monroe was a member, " brought 
forward the bill by which Virginia confirmed 
the ordinance for the colonization of all the ter- 
ritory then in the possession of the United 
States by freemen alone." 

Among other subjects in which Monroe took 
a deep interest while a delegate in Congress, 
the navigation of the Mississippi was prominent. 
The treaty with Great Britain had stipulated 
that this river from its source to its mouth 
should be open to the subjects of Great Britain 
and the citizens of the United States. Spain 
objected. Some parties were ready to surren- 
der this right, but among those who persistently 
refused to do so were the Virginia delegates, 
including Monroe, who wrote a memoir in 1786 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 2? 

to prove the right of the inhabitants of the 
western country to a free navigation of the 
Mississippi. Positive action was postponed 
until the new government was about to be or- 
ganized, and Congress then declared its opinion 
in clear and bold terms. It was due to the 
foresight and firmness of a few strong men that 
the claims of Spain were not acknowledged, 
and that the acquisition of the territory in- 
volved was finally completed after Monroe 
became president. 

Near the end of the year 1784, Monroe was 
selected as one of nine judges to decide the 
boundary dispute in which Massachusetts and 
New York were involved, and after some delib- 
eration he accepted the position, and was on the 
way to Williamsburg, when he received advices 
that the session of the court had been deferred ; 
the case being thus postponed, he resigned and 
another commissioner was chosen. There is the 
authority of Mr. Adams for saying that Monroe 
had been conspicuous above all others in pro- 
ceedings which concerned the navigation of the 
Mississippi, and had taken the lead in opposi- 
tion to Jay, who proposed a compromise with 
Spain ; and that it was in the heat of temper 
kindled by this discord that Monroe resigned 
his commission.^ 

1 J. Q. Adams, Eulogy, pp. 225-232. 



28 JAMES MONROE 

Of the convention which formed the Consti* 
tution of the United States, Monroe was not a 
member. Virginia was represented by Wash- 
ington, Madison, Patrick Henry, George Mason, 
George Wythe, and John Blair. The organiza- 
tion of the convention was made May 25, 1787, 
with Washington president, and the adjourn- 
ment took place September 17, 1787. Monroe 
was a doubtful observer of the progress of 
events. " My anxiety for the general welfare," 
he writes, " hath not been diminished. The 
affairs of the federal government are, I believe, 
in the utmost confusion. The convention . . . 
will either recover us from our present em- 
barrassments, or complete our ruin ; for I do 
suspect that if what they recommend should 
be rejected, this would be the case." This 
was written to Jefferson, July 27, 1787. He 
suspects the hostility toward himself of Ed- 
mund Randolph and Madison, members of the 
convention ; nevertheless, he thinks that he 
shall be " strongly impressed in favor of and 
inclined to vote for whatever they will recom- 
mend." 

In the Virginia convention of 1788, the 
party favoring the United States Constitution 
was led by Madison, Marshall, and Edmund 
Randolph. The leader of the opposition was 
Patrick Henry, and James Monroe stood by hia 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 28 

side in company with William Grayson ano 
George Mason. Two of his speeches as re- 
ported in the Debates are worthy of mention 
here.^ In the first of them, delivered June 10, 
he made an elaborate historical argument in 
;v^hich the experience of the Amphictyonic coun- 
cil, the Achaean league, the Germanic system, 
the Swiss cantons and the New England con- 
federacy were successively referred to, — a 
theme which seems to have been the germ of 
a posthumous publication, to which reference 
will hereafter be made. He assumes the value 
of the Union, to which " the people from New 
Hampshire to Georgia, Rhode Island excepted, 
have uniformly shown attachment." Examin- 
ing the proposed Constitution, he claims that 
there are no adequate checks upon the exercise 
of power ; he foresees conflict between the na- 
tional and State authorities. As for the Presi- 
dent, he foresees that " when he is once elected 
he may be elected forever." 

In closing the speech he says that he regards 
the proposed government as dangerous, and cal- 
culated to secure neither the interests nor the 
rights of our countrymen. *' Under such an 
one I shall be averse to embark the best hopes 
of a free people. We have struggled long to 

1 Debates of the Convention of Virginia, 1788, reported bt 
David Robertson, p. 154. 



50 JAMES MONROE 

bring about this revolution by which we enjoy 
our present freedom and security. Why then 
this haste, this wild precipitation ? " 

At a later stage Monroe explained the Con- 
gressional, disputes about the free navigation of 
the Mississippi, the purport of which was to 
show that the western country would be less 
secure under the Constitution than it was under 
the Confederation. He finally assented to a 
ratification of the Constitution by Virginia upon 
the condition that her amendments should be 
accepted. His chief objections were these : the 
power of direct taxation ; the absence of a bill 
of rights ; the lack of legislative and executive 
responsibility and the reeligibility of the Pre- 
sident. 

Many years later he thus, in a letter to An- 
drew Jackson, gave his recollections of the 
monarchical tendencies which were shown by 
his contemporaries before and after the adop> 
tion of the Constitution. He writes as fol- 
lows ; — 

December, 1816. '^ We have heretofore been di- 
vided into two great parties. That some of the lead' 
ers of the Federal party entertained principles un- 
friendly to our system of government, I have been 
thoroughly convinced ; and that they meant to work 
a change in it by taking advantage of favorable cir- 
cumstances, I am equally satisfied. It happened that 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 2\ 

I was a member of Congress under the Confedera- 
tion, just before the change made by the adoption 
of the present Constitution, and afterwards of the 
Senate, beginning shortly after its adoption. In the 
former I served three years, and in the latter rather 
a longer term. In these stations I saw indications 
of the kind suggested. It was an epoch at which the 
views of men were most likely to unfold themselves, 
as, if anything favorable to a higher toned govern- 
ment was to be obtained, that was the time. The 
movement in France tended also then to test the 
opinions and principles of men, which was disclosed 
in a manner to leave no doubt on my mind of what 
I have suggested. No daring attempt was ever 
made, because there was no opportunity for it. I 
thought that Washington was opposed to their 
schemes, and not being able to take him with them, 
that they were forced to work, in regard to him. 
under-handed, using his name and standing with the 
nation, as far as circumstances permitted, to serve 
their purposes. The opposition, which was carried 
on with great firmness, checked the career of this 
party, and kept it within moderate limits. Many of 
the circumstances, on which my opinion is founded, 
took place in debate and in society, and therefore 
find no place in any public document. I am satis- 
fied, however, that sufficient proof exists, founded 
on facts and opinions of distinguished individuals, 
which became public, to justify that [opinion] which 
I had formed. . . . 

" My candid opinion is that the dangerous purposes 



S2 JAMES MONROE 

I have adverted to were never adopted, if they were 
known, especially in their full extent, by any large 
portion of the Federal party, but were confined to 
certain leaders, and they principally to the eastward. 
The manly and patriotic conduct of a great propor- 
tion of that party in the other States, I might per- 
haps say all who had an opportunity of displaying it, 
is a convincing proof of this fact." 

Jefferson, referring to the same period, spoke 
as follows in the introduction to his " Ana : " 
" The contests of that day were contests of prin- 
ciple between the advocates of republican and 
those of kingly government." 

A familiar letter to Jefferson written July 12, 
1788, gives an inside view of the discussions in 
the Virginia convention. Before it met, Monroe 
endeavored to maintain a non-committal atti- 
tude. He prepared, however, a few days before 
the convention, a communication to his consti- 
tuents ; hut the printing of this letter was de- 
layed so long and was so incorrectly made and 
*' the whole performance was so loosely drawn," 
that the author thought best to suppress it. He 
inclosed a copy to Jefferson. What appears to 
be Monroe's own copy has lately been discovered 
in the archives of the State Department, and 
given to the press.^ Its significance is howevei 
iess important than that of the " Observation? 

^ Writings of James Monroe, voL i. pp. 307, 349. 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 33 

on the Federal Government," attributed to Mon- 
roe. A copy of this parajDhlet (excessively rare, 
if not unique, and hitherto unnoticed by any 
bibliographer) has been found among the Madi- 
son papers in the Department of State, and 
reprinted in the first volume of Monroe's writ- 
ings. 

Notwithstanding Monroe's opposition to the 
adoption of the new Constitution, he was among 
the earliest to take office under it. The first 
choice of Virginia for senators fell on Richard 
Henry Lee and William Grayson. The latter 
died soon after his appointment, and Monroe 
was selected by the legislature to fill the va- 
cant place, instead of John Walker, who had 
been named by the Executive of the State. He 
took his seat in the Senate December 6, 1790, 
and held the position until May, 1794. Jeffer- 
son was in Philadelphia, as secretary of state, 
during the early part of Monroe's senatorial 
career, so that letters to him are wanting, but in 
1793-94 Monroe again writes him confidentially 
on the progress of affairs, and particularly on 
the strained relations of the United States with 
England and France. It does not appear that 
he was conspicuous as a debater ; but he made 
himself felt in other ways, and was regarded 
as among the most decided opponents of Wash- 
ington's administration. He was particularly 



34 JAMES MONROE 

hostile to Hamilton, and on one occasion, when 
the latter was talked about as likely to be sent 
to England, transgressed the limits of senatorial 
courtesy by addressing a letter to the Presi- 
dent with intimations of what he could say if 
an opportunity were afforded him. He was 
opposed to the measures which were carried 
for establishing on a sound basis the national 
finances. He proposed a suspension of the 
fourth article of the definitive treaty with Great 
Britain until that power complied with her stipu- 
lations. He strongly objected to the selection 
of Morris and Jay as ministers respectively to 
France and England. Jndeed, during all this 
period he appears in the part of an obstruction- 
ist, who doubted the wisdom of the dominant 
views in respect to the new order of government, 
and who did not hesitate to put obstacles in the 
way of those who were endeavoring to give 
dignity and force to the new United States. 
He was therefore surprised, and so were many 
others, that he was selected, while still a senator, 
to be the successor of Gouverneur Morris as 
minivster to France. He had objected to Jay'L 
appointment partly on the ground that such an 
office should not be given to one of the federal 
judiciary, and the wiseacres were not slow to 
taunt him for accepting, in place of his senatorial 
rank, the dignity of a diplomatic station. The 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 35 

fest of this story will be told in the following 
chapter. 

Although it is not next in order, it is con- 
venient to place here the little which is to be 
said of the executive station to which Monroe, 
on his return from diplomatic services, was twice 
called in his native State. He was first chosen 
governor of Virginia in 1799, after his recall 
from France, and served for a period of three 
years. He was again chosen in 1811, held the 
office for part of a year, and gave it up in order 
to enter the cabinet of Madison. His first elec- 
tion was opposed by John Breckenridge, who 
received 66 votes, while Monroe received 101. 
The Richmond "Federalist" of December 7 de- 
clared the day before to be "a day of mourn- 
ing." Virginia's "misfortunes may be com- 
prised in one short sentence : Monroe is elected 
governor ! " 

During his first administration a conspiracy 
among the slaves was brought to light, and waij 
suppressed by his power as governor. The in^ 
cident has recently been called to mind by a 
widely read novel, in which there is a graphic 
picture of a servile insurrection and its timely 
discovery.! Howison's story is as follows.^ Not 
far from Richmond dwelt Thomas Prosser, who 

1 Homoselle, by Mrs. Tiernan, 

2 Howison, History of Virginia, p. 390. 



36 JAMES MONROE 

owned a number of slaves, among them one who 
became known as " General Gabriel," a man 
" distinguished for his intelligence and his in- 
fluence with his class." Near by lived another 
slave called " Jack Bowler." By their agency 
nearly a thousand slaves, it was supposed, were 
secretly enlisted in a plot to attack Richmond 
by night and there begin a war of extermination 
against the whites. Just before the proposed 
assault a slave named " Pharaoh " escaped from 
the conspirators during a storm and revealed 
the project to the people of Richmond. The 
tidings were carried to Governor Monroe, the 
alarm was given, the militia called out, and 
preparations were made to meet the assailants. 
The streams were so swollen by the fall of rain 
that the movements of the insurgents were de- 
layed, and they soon perceived that their secret 
had been discovered. The ringleaders were sub- 
sequently found and punished ; and so many 
others were inculpated that a reaction took 
place in public feeling, and a merciful arrest of 
justice occurred before all the guilty had been 
reached. 

For several years, after 1806, John Randolph 
was a frequent correspondent of Monroe. He 
urges him to come back from England ; he 
guards him against compromitment to men in 
whom he cannot wholly confide ; he gives him a 



LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 37 

dark hint of "the stage effect" he will be made 
to produce ; he flatters him with expectations of 
the next nomination to the presidency ; he di - 
parages Madison ; he says that Monroe will 
hardly know the country when he arrives ; " in^ 
trigue has arrived at a pitch which I hardly sup= 
posed it would have reached in five centuries ; '' 
" life has afforded me few enjoyments which 
I value in comparison with your friendship." 
These flattering words, tempered with insinua- 
tions against Madison, were addressed to Mon^ 
roe in the belief and wish that he could be 
brought forward as a candidate for the presi- 
dency at the close of Jefferson's term. Ran- 
dolph's i^urpose failed, Madison became presi- 
dent and Monroe governor, after brief service 
in the Assembly. A little later Randolph 
quarreled with Monroe, because, as he thought^, 
the latter was inclined to repudiate the views he 
had held on his return from England. He 
charged him with tergiversation in order to be- 
come chief magistrate of the Commonwealth. 
The climax of their disagreement was reached 
when Monroe was called to the cabinet of Mad 
ison. 

Many years later, in 1814, Randolph, still 
quarrelsome, attacked Monroe's conscription pro- 
ject by pointing out the course of the latter in 
respect to federal usurpation when he was gover- 



38 JAMES MONROE 

nor, charging upon him the fact that the grand 
armory at Richmond was built to enable Vir- 
ginia to resist encroachment upon her indispu- 
table rights.^ 

1 For all this story, in detail, and many original letters, see 
the Life of John Randolph by Henry Adams, in a volume of 

this Series. 



CHAPTER III 

ENVOY IN FRANCE 

Monroe's career as a diplomatist exhibits first 
the misfortune and then the good fortune which 
may attend ministerial action in a foreign land, 
when long periods must elapse before letters can 
be interchanged with the government at home. 
In critical junctures responsibility must be as- 
sumed by the representative of a nation, who 
runs the risk that his words and actions, however 
wise and necessary they appear to him, will not 
be approved by those who sent him abroad. In 
quiet days a foreign embassy is an enviable po- 
sition, but Monroe was neither the first envoy 
nor the last who has found in troublesome times 
that it is difficuH to act with a near-sighted view 
of the field so as to keep the support of those 
who are far-sighted. His first mission to France 
began brilliantly, but ended with an irritation 
of his spirit which he carried with him, like the 
bullet received at Trenton, to the very end of 
his life ; his second mission to France, under- 
taken with some distrust, led to a fortunate 



40 JAMES MONROE 

negotiation which brightened all his subsequent 
liays. 

While a senator in Congress, Monroe was se- 
lected, as we have seen, to represent the United 
States in Paris, after it became necessary for 
Gouverneur Morris to give way. Washington's 
first choice for the position was Thomas Pinck- 
ney, whom he would have transferred from Eng- 
land to France, if Jay would consent to remain 
as minister in England after concluding a treaty. 
As this arrangement could not be effected, the 
appointment was offered to Robert R. Livings- 
ton, who did not accept it. Madison had already 
declined. Aaron Burr was a competitor. A 
few weeks later, on May 28, 1794, Monroe was 
commissioned. The appointment took him by 
surprise, as he told Mr. Randolph, the secretary 
of state : " I really thought I was among the 
last men to whom the proj^osition would be 
made," were his words. Randolph replied that 
the President was resolved to send a Republican 
to France ; that Livingston and Madison had 
refused, and that Burr would not be appointed. 
If Monroe declined, the post would probably be 
offered to Governor Price of Maryland, or to 
some person not yet thought of. Monroe's atti- 
tude toward the administration was of course 
perfectly well known, but it was thought that his 
admiration for the French and his sympathy 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 41 

with the Revolution might secure for him a 
favorable reception. Washington's position was 
one of extreme responsibility. There was danger 
that the United States, scarcely beginning to re- 
cover from the Revolutionary struggle, and with 
the experiment of the Constitution not yet five 
years old, would be involved in war with France 
or England in consequence of their unjustifiable 
reprisals and their attitude in resjoect to the com- 
merce of neutrals. It was most important for 
the safety of the Union as well as for the pro- 
sperity of the people that hostilities should be 
avoided, and much appeared to depend upon the 
envoys. So Jay was sent to England and Mon- 
roe to France, each of whom was supposed to be 
acceptable to the country to which he was ap- 
pointed. 

Looking back on these appointments, nearly 
forty years afterwards, John Quincy Adams de- 
clared them to be among the most memorable 
events in the history of this Union. To under- 
stand this in our day, we must remember the 
bitter relations, " tinged with infusions of the 
wormwood and the gall," which then divided 
France and England ; and the partisan feelings 
which already separated Republicans from Fed- 
eralists. 

The state of feeling in Congress prior to Mon> 
•oe's mission is familiar enough to all historical 



42 JAMES MONROE 

readers ; but I have before me a long file of let* 
ters which have never been made public, exhibit- 
ing in the intimacy of fraternal correspondence 
ihe current of opinion in Congress ; — and I 
;nake from them the following extracts to give 
a fresh and original record of a tale which has 
often been told : ^ — 

January^ 1794. " I think we are in no danger of 
being drawn into the European war, unless the French 
should be mad enough to declare war against every- 
body that will not fraternize with them." 

January^ 1794. " It may, I believe, fairly be pre- 
sumed that we shall not get into a wrangle with the 
French nation." 

January 25, 1794. " We have announced to us in 
a letter from the President this day, that he has from 
the French Court assurances that M. Genet's conduct 
here has met with unequivocal disapprobation, and 
that his recall will be expected as soon as possible. 
I give it you nearly in the words of his letter. Why 
he has not before made the communication, as it ar- 
rived by the Dispatch (a sloop of about thirty tons) 
last week ; whether he has letters from the French 
ministry or only from Mr. Morris, — I am without 
uiformation." 

January 31, 1794. "A strange portion [sic] of 
French frenzy is working in this country. We see 

^ These extracts are from letters by Joshua Coit of New 
London, Conn., a representative in Congress, to his brother, 
Daniel L. Coit. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 43 

much cf it in Congress, principally among the South* 
ern members. It enters, as you will see, into the 
debates on Mr. Madison's propositions. I have men- 
tioned it to you, I believe, in a former letter. One 
would have expected from these owners of slaves 
and men of large fortunes a different complexion ; 
but our rankest democratical principle is all from the 
South, and they consider us New England men as aris- 
tocrats. I feel more apprehension of the general gov- 
ernment being too weak than that it will gather a 
strength dangerous to the liberties of the people. I 
would hope, however, that no more of party is mixed 
in our composition than may be wholesome. Mr. 
M.'s resolutions have now been under discussion for 
about a fortnight. Gentlemen take an amazing lati- 
tude in their discussions, and from the debates one 
would be led to suppose we were forming commercial 
treaties that were to embrace all the interests of the 
United States. The first resolution is a mighty 
vague, general thing, and will apply to any alteration 
of our revenue system almost ; perhaps this may be 
carried, but I think the others, or anything like them, 
cannot; they have engrossed all the time of Congress 
for this fortnight past." 

February 15, 1794. " The fact is, I think, every 
day more and more evinced, that some of our Soutb 
ern gentlemen, Virginians especially, have a mos 
unconquerable aversion for the British nation, anc 
partiality for France. The debts due from that 
country to G. B. may have their effect in fomenting 
and keeping up their animosity, and they seem to wish 



44 JAMES MONROE 

to fix some immovable obstructions to a friendly in« 
tercourse between the two countries, and there is but 
too much reason to fear that the measures they pur- 
sue are in good degree influenced by their dissatis- 
faction at some steps that have been taken since the 
establishment of the present government, — the fund- 
ing system and bank especially. They profess peace 
— that energetic measures are those only by which it 
can be preserved. Britain is to be so afflicted with 
our non-importation agreement that, to persuade us to 
give it up, she is to do everything which we may de- 
mand of her ; and if, on the contrary, she is disposed 
to fight, she is exhausted and weakened by the war 
in which she is now engaged, and with the help of 
France we shall give her the worst of it. I still 
hope peace ; but if this measure is carried through, 
I shall then despair." 

March 7, 1794. " The measures you mention are 
regarded as very extraordinary ; equally so is that of 
the French detaining our ships in their ports. 'Tis 
perhaps fortunate for us that we are ill-treated by 
both the belligerent powers ; experiencing no favor 
from either, we shall be less an object of jealousy 
from either, and probably less in danger of rushing 
into the war than if we were ill-treated by one only. 
I believe we had better suffer almost anything than 
get into the war. Time and patience will, I hope, 
cure all." 

March 13, 1794. " It seems to me the British na- 
tion must contemplate some inconvenience in the loss 
of our trade in case of a rupture, and that the fair and 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 45 

kionorable neutrality we have preferred should com- 
mand their respect. But tliey apprehend we feel a 
partiality for the French, and nations at war very 
readily regard as enemies those who are not their 
friends, and they very naturally contemplate the 
foinsf to war with another nation with much less 
reluctance than changing from peace to war. No 
measures will be taken hastily on the subject by us, I 
believe. The infancy of our government, and our reve- 
nue depending almost altogether on foreign commerce, 
whicli would by a war be greatly deranged if not cut 
off, make the evils to be apprehended by us in this 
event peculiarly serious. But if they will fight with 
us, we must do the best we can." 

March 24, 1794. "The minds of people are so 
much agitated, and resentments are so warm, that 
there is reason to fear that we shall be hurried into 
the torrent that is ravaging Europe." 

March 25, 1794. " If the embargo gets through, I 
shall be almost inclined to think the Rubicon is passed 
and that war is inevitable. Not so much that the 
British will regard it as a hostile measure, but that 
it will tend to sharpen the minds of people, and pre- 
cipitate us, from the heat of our passions, into the 



war." 



March 27, 1794. " If we must enter into a war, I 
should feel very unhappy to enter it under the au- 
spices of an act which would appear to me a compli- 
cation of villainy and bad policy." 

March 28, 1794. " We have a mad proposition 
before the House, brought in yesterday, for seques' 



46 JAMES MONROE 

tering British debts to form a fund for compensation 
to the sufferers by British spoliations. I feared i' 
would pass, but the fever of the mind seems to h 
cooling a little, and I begin to hope for better things.' 

April 8, 1794. " I am still persuaded that the 
threatening appearances will blow over and leave us 
at peace, in spite of the unaccountable proceedings 
of the British in the West Indies. I do not believe 
they mean to go to war with us." 

April 13, 1794. " A minister to the Court of 
London is still talked of, but this is not determined 
on, and these people appear to be very anxious to 
have something done which, as they say, shall give 
weight to negotiation; but their views and professions 
are apprehended to be widely different, and that in- 
stead of wishing to give effect, they would prefer 
doing something that should impede the negotiation. 
The President, with whom alone lies the power, is 
very cautious ; perhaps fortunately so for the country, 
as well as for his own reputation, but unluckily, (as it 
is more with the Legislature to lay the grounds by 
which negotiation might be facilitated or impeded, 
and to determine the popularity of the measure,) I 
suspect he hesitates and waits to see how the discus- 
sion in our House vt^ill issue. Had he already sent a 
negotiator, it would have furnished an argument fol 
our leaving things as they were when the negotiator 
left the country." 

April 16, 1794. " Mr. Jay is nominated. There 
is not perhaps a man in the United States whose 
character as a negotiator stands on higher ground. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 47 

The appointment marks a disposition in the Presi- 
dent to come forward before mischief is done, and to 
try the ground of negotiation fairly with G. Britain, 
before any obstruction is thrown in the way by oui 
confiscating British debts, or passing a non-impor- 
tation act." 

April 19, 1794. '' The embargo is again on, to 
last till the 25th of May in the same way as before ; 
passed House of Representatives day before yesterday, 
and in Senate yesterday. I had not expected it." 

Aprnl 22, 1794. " It is a doubt with many whether 
our present form of government continue many years. 
The jealousies which exist in the Southern States 
respecting the funding system and most of the mea- 
sures of consequence which have been adopted, added 
to some strange and fantastical notions about liberty 
which they entertain, approaching nearly to French 
extravagance of hberty and equality absolute, render 
the continuance of our Union for many years, even 
of peace, doubtful. But should a war take place, I 
think we have scarcely ground to hope a continuance 
of the Union." 

Ajyril 24, 1794. " We have perhaps as much to 
fear from the fever of French politics taking too 
strong a hold of the minds of the people of thl? 
country as from any other source." 

There is an interruption in the file of letters 
from which these extracts are taken, and I find 
in them no mention of the envoy to France, 
whose commission came a month later. 



48 JAMES MONKOE 

Monroe's instructions, as given to him by 
Randolph, were very minute, and contained the 
following pregnant sentences as the conclusion : 

" To conclude. You go, sir, to France, to 
strengthen our friendship with that country ; and 
you are well acquainted with the line of freedom and 
ease to which you may advance without betraying the 
dignity of the United States. You will show our 
confidence in the French Republic without betraying 
the most remote mark of undue complaisance. You 
will let it be seen that, in case of ivar with any na- 
tion on earth, we shall consider France as our first 
and natural ally. You may dwell uijon the sense 
which ive entertain of past services, and for the more 
recent interposition in our behalf with the Dey of Al- 
giers. Among the great events with which the world 
is now teeming, there may be an opening for Finance 
to become instrumental in securing to us the free 
navigation of the Mississippi. Spain may, perhaps, 
negotiate a peace, separate from Great Britain, 
with France, If. she does, the Hississipjpi inay be 
acquired through this channel, especially if you con- 
trive to have our mediation in any manner solicited." 

Monroe arrived in Paris just after the fall of 
Robespierre. Notwithstanding his outspoken 
good will for the popular cause, the Committee 
of Public Safety hesitated to receive him. His 
proceedings in consequence were full of romance. 
Not another civilized nation upon earth, says 
Mr. Adams, had a recognized representative in 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 49 

France at that time. " I waited," says Monroe, 
" eight or ten days without progressing an iota, 
and as I had heard that a minister from Geneva 
had been here about six weeks before me, and 
had not been received, I was fearful I might re- 
main as long, and, perhaps, much longer, in the 
same situation." He therefore addressed a let- 
ter to the president of the Convention, " not 
knowing the competent department nor the 
forms established by law for my reception." 
A decree was passed at once that the minister 
of the United States "be introduced into the 
bosom of the Convention to-morrow at two 
P. M." Accordingly he appeared before the 
Convention, August 15, 1794, and presented an 
address in English, with a translation of it into 
French, which latter was read by a secretary, 
together with two letters from Edmund Ran- 
dolph, secretary of state, acknowledging the 
letter received by Congress from the Committee 
of Public Safety. 

Monroe's address was as follows : — 

" Citizens, President, and Representatives of the 
French People, — My admission into tliis assembly, 
in presence of the French nation (for all the citizens 
of France are represented here) to be recognized 
as the representative of the American Repubhc, 
impresses me with a degree of sensibihty which I 
cannot express. I consider it a new proof of that 



50 JAMES MONROE 

friendship and regard which the French nation has 
always shown to their ally, the United States of 
America. 

" Republics should approach near to each other. 
In many respects thej have all the same interest ; 
but this is more especially the case with the Amer- 
ican and French republics. Their governments are 
similar ; they both cherish the same principles, and 
rest on the same basis, the equal and unalienable 
rights of man. The recollection, too, of common dan- 
gers and difficulties will increase their harmony and 
cement their union. America had her day of ojijires- 
sion, difficulty, and war ; but her sons were virtuous 
and brave, and the storm which long clouded her po- 
litical horizon has passed, and left them in the enjoy- 
ment of peace, liberty, and independence. France, 
our ally and our friend, and who aided in the contest, 
has now embarked in the same noble career ; and I 
am happy to add, that whilst the fortitude, magna- 
nimity, and heroic valor of her troops command the 
admiration and applause of the astonished world, the 
wisdom and firmness of her councils unite equally in 
securing the happiest result. 

" America is not an unfeeling spectator of your 
affairs at the present crisis. I lay before you, in the 
declarations of every department of our government. 
— declarations which are founded in the affections 
of the citizens at large, — the most decided proof of 
her sincere attachment to the liberty, prosperity, and 
happiness of the French Republic. Each branch of 
the Congress, according to the course of proceeding 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 51 

there, has requested the President to make this known 
to you in its behalf ; and, in fulfilling the desires of 
those branches, I am instructed to declare to you thai; 
he has expressed his own. 

" In discharging the duties of the office which I 
am now called to execute, I promise myself the 
highest satisfaction, because I well know that, whilst 
I pursue the dictates of my own heart in wishing the 
liberty and happiness of the French nation, and wnich 
I most sincerely do, I speak the sentiments of my 
own country ; and that, by doing everything in my 
power to preserve and pei'petuate the harmony so 
happily subsisting between the two republics, I shall 
promote tlie interest of both. To this great object, 
therefore, all my efforts will be directed. If I can 
be so fortunate as to succeed in such manner as to 
merit tlie approbation of both republics, I shall deem 
it the happiest event of my life, and retire hereafter 
with a consolation which those w^ho mean well, and 
have served the cause of liberty, alone can feel." 

A comparison of this speech with Randolph's 
injunctions, already quoted, will show how far 
Monroe was carried by the enthusiasm of his 
youth and the unparalleled circumstances in 
which he was placed. That speech of ten 
minutes, received with applause and afterwards 
printed by order of " the Convention, in the two 
languages, French and American," was the oc- 
casion of many a pang to the orator, in his after 
life. 



52 JAMES MONROE 

The account of Monroe's reception may read^ 
ily be found in the American State Papers,^ 
but a document, hitherto hidden, was lately 
brought to light by Mr. Washburne, the Amer- 
ican minister, who looked up, in the national 
archives of France, the proces verbal on the 
day referred to, August 15, 1794. Here is the 
interesting extract which he sent to Mr. Fish 
" to fill the gap " in the diplomatic records of 
that period.^ 

Extract from the "proces verbal '' of the National Con~ 
vent ion of August 15, 1794. — Translation. 

The Citizen James Monroe, Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States of America near the 
French RepubHc, is admitted in the hall of the sit- 
ting of the National Convention. He takes his place 
in the midst of the representatives of the people, 
and remits to the President with his letters of cre- 
dence, a translation of a discourse addressed to the 
National Convention ; it is read by one of the secre- 
taries. The expressions of fraternity, of union be- 
tween the two people, and the interest which the 
people of the United States take in the success of the 
French Republic, are heard with the liveliest sensi- 
bility and covered with applause. 

Reading is also given to the letters of credence of 

1 Vol. i. p. 672. 

2 Foreign Relations of the U. S. 1876. Mr. Washburne to 
Mr. Fish, Paris, October 23, 1876. 



41 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 53 

Citizen Monroe, as well as to those written by the 
American Congress and by its President, to the Na- 
tional Convention and to the Committee of Public 
Safety. 

In witness of the fraternity which unites the two 
peoples, French and American, the President ^ gives 
the accolade (fraternal embrace) to Citizen Monroe. 

Afterward, upon the proposition of many members, 
the National Convention passes with unanimity the 
following decree : — 

Article I. The reading and verification being had 
of the powers of Citizen James Monroe, he is recognized 
and proclaimed minister plenipotentiary of the United 
States of America near the French Republic. 

Article II. The letters of credence of Citizen James 
Monroe, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of 
America, those which he has remitted on the part of the 
American Congress and its President, addressed to the 
National Convention and to the Committee of Public 
Safety, tlie discourse of Citizen Monroe, the response of 
the President of the Convention, shall be printed in the 
two languages, French and American, and inserted in the 
bulletin of correspondence. 

Article III. The flags of the United States of 
America shall be joined to those of France, and displayed 
in the hall of the sittings of the Convention, in sign of 
the union and eternal fraternity of the two people. 

Mr. Washburne calls attention to the phrase, 
" the two languages, French and American," as 
illustrating the hatred of the English ; and he 

^ Merlin de Douai. 



54 JAMES MONROE 

gives to Secretary Fish the following amusing 
iMti'r])ivtati()n of the accolade, based upon his 
Dwn experience in the new republic. 

'' For iiuiuy days," he says, " after I had, by your 
instructions, recognized the republic, which was pro- 
chiinied on the 4th of September, 1870, regiment 
after regiment of the national guard marched to the 
legation to make known to our government, through 
me, tlieir profound api)reciation of its prompt action 
in recouinzinLr the oovernment of the national defense. 
Forming on the corner of the rue de Chaillot and 
the avenue Josephine, they would send up cheers 
and cries of ' Vive la Republique,' till I would ap- 
pear on the balcony to make my acknowledgments. 
Then some othcers of the regiment would be deputed 
to call upon me in the chambers of the legation, to 
tender me their personal thanks for my agency in the 
matter of recognition of their new government, and 
to give me the fraternal embrace (' accolade '), which 
was carried out in letter and spirit, and sometimes 
much to the amusement of the numerous visitors who 
were present on the occasion." 

A short time after his reception IVIonroe pre- 
sented an American flag to the Convention, 
intrusting its carriage to Captain, afterwards 
Commodore, Barney, an officer of the United 
States Navy, with whom Monroe had crossed 
the Atlantic. Captain Barney made a brief 
speech on the occasion in the presence of the 
Convention, received an accolade from the Presi- 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 55 

dent, and was complimented with a proposal to 
enter the naval service of France. When the 
body of Rousseau was deposited in the Pan- 
theon, this flag, borne by young Barney and 
a nephew of Monroe, preceded the column of 
Americans. The American minister and his 
suite, we are told, were the only persons per- 
mitted to enter the Pantheon with the National 
Convention to witness the conclusion of the 
ceremony. 

Several months later, March 6, 1795, Monroe 
makes this casual mention of the flas: in his 
dispatch : — 

" I had forgotten to notify you officially the present 
I had made to the Convention of our flasf. It was 
done in consequence of the order of that body for its 
susiDension in its hall, and an intimation from the 
President himself that they had none, and were igno- 
rant of the model." 

Near the close of his life Monroe said that 
when he first arrived in France his situation 
was the most difficult and painful he had ever 
experienced. War with the United States was 
seriously menaced. He tells us that he could 
make no impression on the Committee of Public 
Safety, and so he determined to appeal to the 
real government, the People, through the nom- 
inal one, the Convention, and thus fairly bring 



56 JAMES MONROE 

the cause before the nation. He knew that their 
object was liberty, and that many French citizens 
had brought home from America the spirit of 
our struggle and Infused It among their country- 
men. At the head of our government stood 
one who was rightly held in the highest venera- 
tion by the French people ; and he felt sure 
that If he brought before them convincing proofs 
of Washington's good wishes for their success, 
supported by that of the other branches of our 
government, the hostile spirit of the French gov- 
ernment would be subdued and his official re- 
cognition would follow. On this principle he 
spoke to the Convention with the desired effect. 
As this address was the subject of severe animad- 
versions at home, and as he was charged with 
going beyond his Instructions, the following ex- 
tra(rt from a long letter to Judge Jones, April 
4, 1794, ^ may be taken as evidence that the 
envoy acted according to his understanding of 
the Instructions he had received. 

" I inclose you a copy of my address, etc., to the 
Convention upon my introduction, and of the Presi- 
dent's reply. I thought it my duty to lay those 
papers before the Convention as the basis of my 
mission, containing the declaration of every depart- 
ment In favor of the French revolution, or imply- 
ing it strongly. My address, you will observe, goes 
no farther than the declarations of both houses-'* 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 57 

Flattered by his reception in the Convention, 
Monroe was destined to a profound disappoint- 
ment when he received a dispatch from home, 
written by Randolph " in the frankness of friend- 
ship," criticising severely the course he had 
pursued. 

" When you left us," said the secretary of state, 
" we all supposed that your reception as the minis- 
ter of the United States would take place in the 
private chamber of some committee. Your letter of 
credence contained the degree of profession which 
the government was desirous of making ; and though 
the language of it would not have been cooled, even 
if its subsequent publicity had been foreseen, still 
it was natural to expect that the remarks with which 
you might accompany its delivery would be merely 
oral, and therefore not exposed to the rancorous 
criticism of nations at war with France. 

" It seems that, ujion your arrival, the downfall of 
Robespierre and the suspension of the usual routine 
of business, combined, perhaps, with an anxiety to de- 
monstrate an affection for the United States, had shut 
up for a time the diplomatic cabinet, and rendered 
the hall of the National Convention the theatre of 
diplomatic civilities. We should have supposed that 
an introduction there would have brought to mind 
these ideas : ' The United States are neutral ; the 
allied Powers jealous ; with England we are now in 
treaty ; by England we have been impeached for 
breaches of faith in favor of France ; our citizens are 



58 JAMES MONROE 

notoriously Galilean in their hearts ; it will be wise 
to hazard as little as possible on the score of good 
humor ; and, therefore, in the disclosure of my feel- 
ngs, something is due to the possibility of fostering 
lew suspicions.' Under the influence of these senti- 
ments, we should have hoped that your address to 
the National Convention would have been so framed 
as to leave heart-burning nowhere. If private affec- 
tion and opinions had been the only points to be 
consulted, it would have been immaterial where or 
how they were delivered. But the range of a public 
minister's mind will go to all the relations of our 
country with the whole world. We do not perceive 
that your instructions have imposed upon you the 
extreme glow of some parts of your address ; and 
my letter in behalf of the House of Representa- 
tives, which has been considered by some gentle- 
men as too strong, was not to be viewed in any other 
light than as executing the task assigned by that 
body. 

" After these remarks, which are never to be inter- 
preted into any dereliction of the French cause, I 
must observe to you that they are made principally 
to recommend caution, lest we should be obliged at 
some time or other to explain away or disavow an 
excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool 
system of neutrality. You have it still in charge to 
cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without 
any unnecessary eclat ; because the dictates of sin- 
cerity do not demand that we should render notorious 
\11 our feelings in favor of that nation." 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 69 

A little later Randolph took a tnore concili- 
atory tone, and Monroe believed that he would 
never have spoken so severely if all the dis- 
patches had reached him in due order. 

Early in his residence the American minister 
was involved in a discussion with respect to 
Mr. Morris's passports, of so delicate a charac- 
ter that the story was privately communicated 
by Monroe to Washington.^ This letter illus- 
trates the delays of correspondence, for it is 
dated November 18, and acknowledges Wash- 
ington's of June 25, " which would have been 
answered sooner if any safe opportunity had 
offered for Bordeaux, from whence vessels most 
frequently sail for America." Such delays had 
a significant bearing upon the continuous mis- 
understandings between the administration and 
its distant representative.*^ Monroe was also 
engaged in a complex correspondence with re- 
ference to the release of Lafayette from im- 
prisonment at Olmiitz, and concerning pecu- 
niary assistance to Madame Lafayette, in whose 
release he was instrumental. In the " Hous^ 
hold Life of the Lafayettes," by Edith Sichel 

1 Gouverneur MSS. 

'^ On February 15, 1795, the secretary of state acknow- 
ledges Monroe's last date, September 15, 1794, which had been 
received November 27. Monroe's dispatches of August 11 
and 25 were received between December 2 and 5. 



60 JAMES MONROE 

the particulars respecting the imprisonment of 
these noble people are given. Many of our ves- 
sels had been seized and condemned with their 
cargoes, and hundreds of our citizens were then 
in Paris and the seaports of France, many of 
them imprisoned, and all treated like enemies. 
This involved the American minister in weighty 
responsibilities, and employed his utmost energy. 
His effort to secure the release of Thomas Paine 
from imprisonment was another noteworthy trans- 
action, to which frequent reference was made 
in subsequent days, both by friends and oppo- 
nents. *' Mr. Paine," he wrote, September 15, 
1795, " has lived in my house for about ten 
months past. He was, upon my arrival, confined 
in the Luxembourg, and released on my ap- 
plication ; after which, being sick, he has re- 
mained with me. . . . The symptoms have be- 
come worse, and the prospect now is that he 
will not be able to hold out more than a month 
or two at the farthest. I shall certainly pay 
the utmost attention to this gentleman, as he is 
one of those whose merits in our Revolution 
were most distinguished." 

It was not long before Monroe became entan- 
gled in a much more serious complication. A 
treaty with Great Britain had been negotiated 
by Jay ; so much as this was positively known 
in Paris near the close of 1794, and more was 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 61 

inferred in respect to it. Citizen Merlin de 
Douai, the one who gave Monroe the accolade 
a few months before, and four of his associates 
in the Committee of Public Safety demanded a 
copy of the treaty. This was their letter, De- 
cember 27, 1794 : — 

" We are informed, Citizen, that there was lately 
concluded at London a treaty of alliance and com- 
merce between the British government and Citizen 
Jay, Envoy Extraordinarj'- of the United States. 

" A vague report spreads itself abroad that in this 
treaty the Citizen Jay has forgotten those things 
which our treaties with the American people, and 
the sacrifices wliioh the French people made to ren- 
der them free, gave us a right to expect, on the part 
of a minister of a nation which we liave so many mo- 
tives to consider as friendly. 

" It is important that we know positively in what 
light we are to hold this affair. There ouoht not to 
subsist between two free peoples the dissimulation 
which belongs to courts ; and it gives us pleasure to 
declare that we consider you as much opposed, per- 
sonally, to that kind of policy as we are ourselves. 

^' We invite you, then, to communicate to us as 
soon as possible the treaty wliereof there is question. 
It is the only means whereby you can enable the 
French nation justly to appreciate those reports so 
injurious to the American go^^ernment, and to which 
that treaty gave birth." 

In reply to this and other demands for exact 



62 JAMES MONROE 

information Monroe pleaded ignorance, and he 
refused to receive from Jay confidential and in- 
formal statements in respect to the treaty. He 
contented himself with general expressions in 
reference to the purport of the English mission, 
and with strenuous efforts to allay the French 
excitement. When the treaty reached him he 
wrote to Judge Jones : " Jay's treaty surpasses 
all that I feared, great as my fears were of his 
mission. Indeed, it is the most shameful trans- 
action I have ever known of the kind." ^ 

The language in which he reported to the au- 
thorities at home, a few months before, the con- 
dition of affairs, is this, January 13, 1795 : — 

" After my late communications to the Committee 
of Public Safety, in which were exposed freely the 
object of Mr. Jay's mission to England, and the real 
situation of the United States with Britain and 
Spain, I had reason to believe that all apprehension 
on those points was done away, and that the utmost 
cordiality had now likewise taken place in that body 
towards us. I considered the report above recited, 
and upon which the decree was founded, as the une- 
quivocal proof of that change of sentiment, and flat 
tered myself that, in every rtspect, we had now the 
best prospect of the most perfect and permanent har- 
mony between the two republics. I am very sorry, 
however, to add, that latterly this prospect has been 
somewhat clouded by accounts from England, that 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 63 

Mr. Jay had not only adjusted the points in contro- 
versy, but concluded a treaty of commerce with that 
government. Some of those accounts state that he 
had also concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and 
defensive. As I knew the baneful effect which these 
reports would produce, I deemed it my duty, by re- 
peating what I had said before of his powers, to use 
my utmost endeavors, informally, to discredit them. 
This, however, did not arrest the progress of the 
report, nor remove the disquietude it had created, 
for I was finally applied to, directly, by the commit- 
tee, in a letter, which stated what. had been heard, 
and requested information of what I knew in regard 
to it. As I had just before received one from Mr. 
Jay, announcing that he had concluded a treaty, 
and which contained a declaration that our previous 
treaties should not be affected by it, I thought fit to 
make this letter the basis of my reply. And as it 
is necessary that you should be apprised of what- 
ever has passed here on this subject, I now trans- 
mit to you copies of these several papers, and which 
comprise a full statement thereof, up to the present 
time. 

" I cannot admit, for a moment, that Mr. Jay has 
exceeded his powers, or that anything has been done 
which will give just cause of complaint to this re- 
public. I lament, however, that he has not thought 
himself at liberty to give me correct information on 
that subject ; for until it is known that their interest 
has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep 
alive suspicion, and which always weakens the bonds 



64 JAMES MONROE 

of friendship. I trust, therefore, you will deem h 
expedient to advise me on this head as soon as pos- 
sible." 

The irritation of the French, when at length 
they discovered the actual purport of Jay's 
treaty, was very great. In February, 1796, it 
appeared that the Directory considered the alli- 
ance between France and the United States as 
ceasing to exist from the moment the treaty was 
ratified, and intended to send a special envoy 
to the United States in order to express their 
extreme dissatisfaction. Monroe succeeded in 
changing their purpo&e, and elicited from M. de 
la Croix, the foreign minister, a summary, in 
three headings, of the French complaints, to 
which he sent an elaborate reply. The two 
countries had come to the very verge of war. 
But the administration at home was angry with 
the envoy for not having endeavored more stren- 
uously to allay the apprehensions of France, 
and for failing to avert the impending danger. 

During the progress of these events, the port- 
folio of foreign affairs had been given up by 
Eandolph, and taken up by Pickering, who be- 
gan his correspondence September 12, 1795, by 
acknowledging a series of letters, of which the 
first was written ten months before. Monroe 
gained nothing by this change in the councils at 
home. Randolph's censures were mild in com- 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 65 

parlson with those which his successor bestowed 
on the unfortunate envoy. One of the severest 
of his letters is that of June 13, 1796, in which 
he complains that Monroe failed to make a suit- 
able vindication of the United States govern- 
ment at a time when the justice, the faith, and 
the honor of our country were questioned, and 
the most important interests were at stake. This 
is followed a short time afterwards by a notifica- 
tion that he is superseded by C. C. Pinckney. 

On his arrival in Paris, Pinckney was pre- 
sented by Monroe to the minister of foreign 
affairs, but was refused recognition by the Di- 
rectory, and was not permitted to remain in 
Paris. Mr. Ticknor has recorded a conversation 
with Baron Pichon to this effect : — that Paine 
lived in Monroe's house at Paris, and had a 
great deal too much influence over him ; that 
Monroe's insinuations, and representations of 
General Pinckney's character as an aristocrat, 
prevented his reception as minister by the Direc- 
tory ; and that, in general, Monroe, with whose 
negotiations and affairs Pichon was specially 
charged, acted as a party Democrat against the 
interests of General Washington's administra- 
tion, and against what Pichon considered the 
interests of the United States.^ On the other 
hand, we have Pinckney's assertion, that during 

^ Life of George Ticknor^ ii. 113. 



66 JAMES MONEOE 

his brief residence he saw Monroe frequently, 
and found him open and candid, and disposed 
to make every communication which would be 
of service to our country. It should also be 
said that Monroe was treated with coolness by 
the French government some time before his 
recall, though the civilities to him were renewed 
when his return to America was evidently at 

hand. 

The ceremony of flag presentation was re- 
peated in this country. A French flag, sent 
across the water, was received by Congress near 
New Year's Day in 1796. 

" A iiiiglity foolish ceremony it was," writes the 
Federalist already quoted.^ " It may, however, have 
the good effect of quieting the minds of some people 
who are afraid that the French are very angry about 
our treaty with Great Britain ; that nation is said to 
have been long famed for their address in meddling 
with the politics of foreign nations, and they have 
supported well the character in this country, but I 
hope we shall keep clear of their influence. The 
administrators of our government have no British 
attachment, but wish to keep clear of all foreign poli 
tics, and but for the madness of party I think tht 
people of the United States would universally see and 
approve the policy. The treaty with Great Britain 
was necessary to settle existing disputes, in its most 
important articles ; the commercial part of it is ex- 
1 Joshua Coit, January 5, 1796. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 67 

perimental, and throws no restraint on our commerce 
with other nations, has no tendency to form pohtical 
connections, and I believe secures important ad van' 
tages to us." 

Monroe's recall was dated August 22. Men- 
tioning this fact to Joseph Jones, he intimated 
that the letter was probably kept back to pre- 
vent his arrival before the elections. " I shall 
decline a winter passage," he added, '' and there- 
fore most 2)robably shall not embark till April 
or May." ^ He reached home full of wrath, 
but the opposition party gave him a cordial 
greeting, and he was entertained in Phila- 
delphia at a public dinner where Jefferson, the 
Vice-President, Dayton, the Speaker, Chief Jus- 
tice McKean, and- other conspicuous men were 
present. Monroe's failure, it is clear, was not 
personal, it was a party failure. His hand 
was soon turned against the administration of 
Adams. He demanded of Pickering the rea- 
sons of his recall, and drew from the secretary, 
who was not at all afraid of saying what he 
thought, a very explicit response. Washington, 
in a note to Pickering (Mt. Vernon, August 
29, 1797), mentioned that Colonel Monroe had 
passed through Alexandria, but did not honor 
him with a call. 

The envoy's neglect did not mean silence 

1 Gouverneur MSS. 



68 JAMES MONROE 

He soon published a pamphlet of five hundred 
pages, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of the 
Executive," in which he printed his instructions, 
correspondence with the French and United 
States governments, speeches, and letters re- 
ceived from Americans resident in Paris. It 
remains to this day a most extraordinary volume, 
full of entertaining and instructive lessons to 
young diplomatists. Washington, retired from 
public life, appears to have kept quiet under 
strong provocation ; but he sent a letter upon the 
subject to John Nicholas, and in his copy of the 
" View " he wrote his animadversions, paragraph 
by paragraph. These notes, long suppressed, 
were at length given to the world by Sparks.^ 

Monroe enumerates the following points, 
which, taken collectively, are to show his diplo- 
matic position and the attitude of the adminis- 
tration toward him. He mentions : — 

1. The appointment of Gouverneur Morris, a 
known enemy of the French Revolution. 

2. His continuance in office till troubles 
came. 

3. His removal at the demand of the French 
government. 

4. The subsequent appointment of Monroe, 
an opponent of the administration, especially in 
its foreign policy. 

^ Washington's Writings, vol. x. pp. 226, 504. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 69 

5. The instructions given to Monroe as to the 
explanjition he should give the French in res23ect 
to Jay's mission, which concealed the power 
given him to form a commercial treaty. 

6. The strong exjjressions of attachment to 
France and the principles of the French Revo- 
lution given to Monroe. 

7. The resentment of the administration when 
these documents were made public. 

8. The approval of Monroe's endeavor to se- 
cure a repeal of the obnoxious decrees, and the 
silence which followed their repeal. 

9. Jay's power to form a commercial treaty 
with England, without corresponding advances 
to France. 

10. The withholding from Monroe of the con- 
tents of the treaty, an evidence of unfair deal- 



ing. 



11. The submission of this treaty to M. Adet, 
after the advice of the Senate, and before its 
ratification by the President. 

12. The character of Jay's treaty, which de- 
parts from the modern rule of contraband, and 
yields the principle, " Free ships shall make free 
goods." 

13. The irritable bearing of the administra- 
tion toward France, after the ratification, in 
contrast with its bearing toward England, when 
it was proposed to decline the ratification. 



70 JAMES MONROE 

14. Monroe's recall, just when he had suc- 
ceeded in quieting the French government for 
the time, and was likely to do so effectually. 

I have not been able to trace Washington's 
copy of the " View " which, according to Sparks, 
was given to a distinguished jurist ; but in the 
library of Cornell University Sparks's transcript 
of Washington's notes is preserved. In this are 
the notes of Washington, hitherto not printed, 
on Monroe's appendix. By the permission of 
the authorities, I am able to print upon a subse- 
quent page these fresh annotations.^ Here three 
examples only will be given. Monroe, in a dis- 
patch, February 12, 1795, having spoken of 
the danger of war with France, inquires : What 
course then was I to pursue? The note of 
Washington is this : " As nothing but justice 
and the fulfillment of a contract was asked, it 
dictated firmness conducted with temperance in 
the pursuit of it." Monroe : " The doors of the 
Committee [of Public Safety] were closed 
against me." Washington : '' This appears no- 
where but in his own conjectures." Again, in- 
cidentally, Washington writes : '' The truth is, 
Mr. Monroe was cajoled, flattered, and made to 
believe strange things. In return he did, or was 
disposed to do, whatever was pleasing to that 
nation, reluctantly urging the rights of his own." 

^ See Appendix. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 71 

A war of pamphlets and newspaper articles 
followed the publication of the '' View," in 
which Federalists and Republicans damaged 
each other's reputations as much as they could. 

Party feeling was ablaze before Monroe pub- 
lished his book, but the flames rose fiercely 
when it appeared. Oliver Wolcott wrote to 
Washington that it was a wicked misrepresenta- 
tion of facts ; that the author's conduct was 
detested by all good men, though he was sorry 
to say that many applauded it. As to Washing- 
ton's character and administration, he was sure 
that the '' View " would make no impression 
beyond the circle of Tom Paine's admirers* 
John Adams wrote that he was hurt at the lev- 
ity of the Americans in Paris. Fisher Ames's 
satirical touch is seen in a letter to Christo- 
pher Gore, written after the election of Jeifer- 
son, where he says, '' Monroe will, if he likes, 
return to France to embrace liberty again." 

From another section of the Federalists this* 
opinion comes. Harper of South Carolina, in 
a speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, speak- 
ing of the " View," remarks : — - 

"In this book is to be found the most complete jus- 
tification of the Executive for his recall, in every 
respect except that it was so long delayed ; for the 
book contains the most singular display of incapacity, 
unfaithfulness, and presumption, of neglect of orders, 



72 JAMES MONROE 

forgetfulness of the dignity, rights, and interests of 
his own country, and servile devotedness to the gov- 
ernment of the country to which he was sent, that 
can be found in the history of diplomacy." 

He even intimates that Monroe was influenced 
by bribery. But this was going quite too far. 
The historian Hildreth, who is not less severe 
than the most severe critic yet quoted, in his 
estimate of Monroe repudiates the insinuation 
of Harper. " These gross insinuations;" he says, 
" were totally baseless. The time had not yet 
come when American statesmen were to be pur- 
chased for money. How perfectly sincere Mon- 
roe was in his opinions is manifest throughout the 
whole correspondence, which no purchased tool 
of France, none but a man blinded by enthusi- 
astic passion, could ever have written, and still 
less would have published. Nor were such views 
at all confined to Monroe. They were shared by 
most of the leaders and by the great mass of 
the opposition party." These are the words 
of the Federalist historian, half a century after 
the " View " appeared.^ 

Some extracts should also be given from the 
writings of Monroe's friends. For example, 
Edward Church wrote from Lisbon, December 
24, 1796, " My ideas of the importance of ob- 
serving inviolate our friendship and alliance with 
^ Hildreth's United States, Second Series, ii. 101. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 73 

tlie French nation go far beyond yours, as 1 
conceive the connection essentially necessary to 
our preservation as independent states, it being 
evidently our best, if not our only security 
against the danger of becoming once more the 
poor, pitiful, servile, dependent slaves of Bri- 
tain." 1 

The wrath of another of Monroe's corre- 
spondents, in Paris, found expression in these 
terms : — 

" Were I able to draw the contrast, which the 
subject so richly deserves, between this extraordinary 
man's mihtary exit and that of the late idolized stat« 
ute [sic] of the people of my country, I would so 
paint Mr. Washington on his milk-white steed, re- 
ceiving the incense of all the little girls on Trenton 
Bridge, and then I would march him about in the 
streets of Boston, so like a roasted ox that I once 
saw carried a whole day in triumph by the people of 
that famous town, that the automaton chief should 
groan and sweat under the weight of those laurels, 
which are momently dropping from his brows into 
the sink and dirt of his puny and anti-republican 
administration." "^ 

There is a significant paragraph in Thiers's 
" History of the French Revolution," which may 
be regarded, I think, as showing the impression 

1 Gouverneur MSS. 

2 Gouverneur MSS. May 15, 1797. 



74 JAMES MONROE 

which Monroe made upon the people to whom 
,be was accredited : — 

" In the French government there were persons in 
favor of a rupture with the United States. Monroe, 
who was ambassador to Paris, gave the Directory 
the most prudent advice on tliis occasion. War with 
France, said he, will force the American government 
to throw itself into the arms of England and to sub- 
mit to her influence ; aristocracy will gain supreme 
control in the United States, and liberty will be com- 
promised. By patiently enduring, on the contrary, 
the wrongs of the present President, you will leave 
him without excuse, you will enlighten the Americans, 
and decide a contrary choice at the next election. 
All the wrongs of which France may have to com- 
plain will then be repaired. This wise and provident 
advice had its effect upon the Directory. Rewbell, 
Barras, and Lar^veillere had caused it to be adopted 
in opposition to the opinion of the systematic Carnot, 
who, though in general favorably disposed to peace, 
insisted on the cession of Louisiana, with a view to 
attempt the establishment of a republic there." 

In addition to this diplomatic controversy, 
Monroe was involved in another more personal 
collision with Hamilton, occasioned by the Cal- 
lender publication, ^ — but into the details of 
this disagreeable story I see no reason for enter- 
ing now. 

1 " An undigested and g-arrulous collection of libels." Hik 
dreth, Second Series, ii. 104. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE 75 

Monroe was much displeased by the publica- 
tion of that part of his dispatches which related 
to the Jacobins, and thus wrote to Judge Jones, 
June 20, 1795 : — 

" The publication of extracts from my letters re- 
specting the Jacobins was an unbecoming and uncan- 
did thing, as they were the only parts of my corre° 
spondence that were published. I stated the truth, 
and therefore am not dissatisfied with the publication 
in that respect. But to me it appears strange that 
the fortunes of that misiruided club should be the 
only subject treated in my correspondence upon which 
it was necessary to convey the information it could 
to our countrymen. Certainly, in relation to the 
honor and welfare of my country, it was the least 
important of all the subjects upon which I treated. 
Besides, that club was as unHke the patriotic socie- 
ties in America as light is to darkness, the former 
being a society that had absolutely annihilated all 
other government in France, and whose denunciations 
carried immediately any of the deputies to the scaf- 
fold, whereas the latter are societies of enlightened 
men, who discuss measures and principles, and of 
course whose opinions have no other weight than as 
they are well founded and have reason on their side, 
to extirpate which is to extirpate liberty itself." 

During all his exciting residence in Paris, it 
is interesting to trace the minute interest main- 
tained by Monroe in whatever pertained to his 
domestic affairs. There are long letters in the 



76 JAMES MONROE 

Gouvernear collection devoted to his financial 
business, to the welfare of his brothers, Andrew 
and Joseph, and of his sister, to his land bought 
near Monticello, his servants, fruit-trees, etc., 
besides many a passage in regard to his nephew 
Joseph, who was at school at St. Germain, 
and young Rutledge, likewise placed under the 
envoy's paternal care. His interest in the pro- 
gress of these American boys in their French 
school betrays an unvarying kindness of heart 
in the midst of pressing anxieties and cares. 

Times change. Five years after Monroe's re- 
call, Jefferson writes : ^ " We have ever looked 
to France as our natural friend, one with whom 
we could never have an occasion of difference ; 
but there is one spot on the globe, the possessor 
of which is our natural enemy. That spot is 
New Orleans. France placing herself in that 
door assumes to us the attitude of defiance. . . . 
From that moment we must marry ourselves to 
the British fleet and nation." 

1 To Livingston, April 18, 1802. 



CHAPTER IV 

ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, AND ENGLANB 

Jefferson, never wanting in interest when 
Monroe's affairs required counsel, and trusting 
liim implicitly, wrote to the despondent and 
angry envoy that he ought to come forward 
again into public life. '' Come to Congress," 
was his advice, as if coming to Congress was 
an act of the will, — " reappear on the public 
theatre ; Cabel has said he would give way to 
you." 1 But instead of entering at once into 
national affairs, Monroe became governor of 
Virginia, and held the office three years. Jef- 
ferson, meanwhile, had become President, and 
soon had an opportunity to return Monroe to 
the legation in France. The story of this sec- 
ond embassy includes the purchase of Louisiana, 
and has therefore been examined over and over 
again by those who are interested in the growth 
of our national territory. 

In addition to the usual publication of the 
eorrespondence of the times, much reliance is 

1 Letter to Monroe, May 21, 1798. Jefferson, iv. 241-243. 



f8 JAMES MONROE 

placed on the volume by Barbe Marbois, in 
which he reports his interviews with Bonaparte. 
The En owlish translation of this work is at- 
tributed to William Beach Lawrence ; ^ its 
appendix omits some statements which are 
given in the original French. Among the 
manuscripts of Monroe I have met with this 
remark : — '* The work of Marbois is written in a 
spirit of great candor, and with friendly feeling 
for me, but he is mistaken in some facts which 
I have documents to show." ^ 

The importance of the outlet of the Missis- 
sippi to the inhabitants of the great valley of 
the West was always obvious. As early as 
1784 Monroe had written in regard to it, and 
in his first mission to France, as we have seen, 
he had been instructed to press the claims of 
the United States. 

In the spring of 1801 intelligence reached 
this country that Spain had ceded her rights in 
Louisiana to France, and the next year the 
Spanish intendant gave notice that New Or- 
leans would no longer be a " place of deposit." ^ 
Jefferson communicated this highly significant 
information to Congress when it assembled 
in December. There was great excitement 
through the country, especially in the West, 

1 C. F. Hart, in Penn Monthly. ^ May 29, 1829. 

s October 16, 1802. 



ENVOY IX FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 7d 

and one newspaper, at least, raised the cry of 
disunion. 

The conclusion was quickly reached, to pur- 
chase from France, if possible, the outlet to 
the Gulf of Mexico. Congress appropriated 
the sum of two million dollars for this object ; 
and Jefferson selected Monroe to go as a special 
minister and act with Livingston, our resident 
representative at Paris, in an endeavor to secure 
the coveted domain. Almost simultaneously 
Lewis and Clarke were recommended for the 
exploration of the upper Mississippi. Monroe 
accordingly went upon his embassy, and withiii 
a month after his arrival was able, with his 
colleague, to report the purchase of Louisiana. 
The treaty was ratified by Bonaparte in May, 
1803, and by the Senate of the United States 
in the next October. 

It is not always that the interior history of a 
great international bargain is so fully revealed 
to the public as it is in the present case, and 
Monroe's relation to it must now be more care- 
fully considered. 

The interests of four nations were closely 
involved in this transaction: Spain, who had 
promised to yield her rights in Louisiana, but 
retained her control of the Floridas, and had 
not, according to Talleyrand's statements, quite 
perfected the transfer; England, in a hostile 



80 JAMES MONROE 

attitude toward France, and not unlikely at any 
time to make a descent upon a portion of her 
territory ; France, in anxious expectation of an 
outbreak of hostilities, in want of money, and 
predisposed to build up in America a power 
which should rival England ; and the United 
States, eager to secure the maritime outlet of 
its great river system, and almost inclined to 
seize it by force. 

Six individuals were conspicuous in the nego- 
tiation. On the American side were Jefferson, 
once minister to France, now sixty years old 
and half way tln-ough his first presidential term, 
whose sagacity recognized the importance of 
securing Louisiana, and initiated the purchase ; 
K. R. Livingston, two years younger, who had 
been for two years resident as the American 
minister in France, who had been pressing 
the American claim to be indemnified for the 
French spoliations, and had brought the gov- 
ernment to consider the possibility of ceding 
the desired territory ; and Monroe, forty-five 
years old, whose former residence in Paris was 
not forgotten, and who entered upon his second 
diplomatic mission fresh from the instructions 
of Jefferson and Madison, and from the inspira- 
tion of popular enthusiasm with respect to the 
acquisition which he was sent to secure. On 
the French side stood Bonaparte, the youngest 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 81 

of the group, thirty-five years old, then First 
Consul, and in the flush of his military and 
civil power ; Talleyrand, a man of forty-nine 
years, holding the portfolio of foreign affairs, 
not wholly trusted by the Consul, but well qual- 
ified by his skill in diplomacy and by his ac- 
quaintance with the United States to take a 
part in the business ; and Marbois, about the 
age of Livingston, who had held a diplomatic 
position in America, and who was now the min- 
ister of the treasury, enjoying the confidence of 
Bonaparte, and called by him to be leader in 
this negotiation. In his history of this trans- 
action, Marbois attributes its rapid and feli- 
citous progress to the fact that the plenipoten- 
tiaries had been long acquainted, and were 
disposed to treat one another with mutual con- 
fidence. 

Livingston, as soon as he heard of Monroe's 
arrival in Havre, sent him the following letter 
of welcome, written in a tone of despondency : — • 

" 10th April, 1803. 
" I congratulate you on your safe arrival. We 
have long and anxiously waited for you. God grant 
that your mission may answer your and tlie public 
expectation. War may do something for us ; nothing 
else would. I have paved the way for you, and if 
you could add to my memoirs an assurance that we 
were now in possession of New Orleans, we should 



82 JAMES MONROE 

do well ; but I detain Mr. Bentalou, who is impatient 
to fly to the arms of his wife. I have apprised the 
minister of your arrival, and told him you would be 
here on Tuesday or Wednesday." 

It so happened that on this very day, April 
10, after the solemnities of Easter Sunday, 
Bonaparte discussed with Talleyrand and Mar- 
bois the Louisiana question. They were divided 
in counsel ; the conference was prolonged into 
the night, and the ministers remained at St. 
Cloud. At daybreak Bonaparte, having already 
received alarming dispatches from England, 
summoned Marbois, who had advised the ces- 
sion, and said to him in substance : " I renounce 
Louisiana. Negotiate for its cession. Don't 
wait for Monroe. I want fifty million francs ; 
for less I will not treat. Acquaint me day by 
day, hour by hour, with your progress. Keep 
Talleyrand informed." Armed with tliese in- 
structions, Marbois sought Livingston. Before 
they met, Talleyrand had been unsuccessfully 
endeavoring to reach some point of agreemento 
He had asked Livingston if the United States 
wished for the whole of Louisiana. The answer 
/lad been No ; but that it would be politic in 
France to give it up. The price to be paid was 
the matter in question. 

At this juncture Monroe reached Paris. He 
beard with surprise from Livingston of the 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLANL 83 

readiness of the French to sell the territory, and 
the two envoys proceeded to discuss the price 
which they could venture to promise. While 
Monroe was taking his first dinner with Liv- 
ingston, in company with other American gen- 
tlemen, Marbois appeared in the garden and 
presently joined the party. Before leaving he 
led Livingston into a free conference upon the 
cession, and invited him to continue the talk at 
a later hour after the company had dispersed. 
Livingston went to the house of Marbois, and 
stayed there till midnight. The whole country 
of Louisiana was then offered to the United 
States for one hundred million francs, and the 
claims. Livingston pronounced it an exorbi- 
tant price, and Marbois did not deny that it 
was. No conclusion could be reached without 
consulting Monroe ; but Livingston, without 
waiting to do so, sat up until three o'clock and 
wrote a midnight dispatch to Madison, narrating 
the interview with Marbois, and saying that he 
was sure the purchase was wise. He also made 
a suggestion, which in these days is astounding, 
that if the price is too high, the outlay may be 
reimbursed by the " sale of the territory west of 
the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty, 
to some Power in Europe, whose vicinity we 
should not fear." ^ This is not precisely in 

^ State Papers, ii. 554. 



84 JAMES MONROE 

accordance with what was afterwards known as 
the Monroe doctrine. 

From this time on, Talleyrand was not con- 
spicuous in the scenes, though it is more than 
possible that behind them his hand was at work, 
perhaps obstructively. At any rate, for one 
reason or another, he delayed the presentation 
of Monroe to Bonaparte until May 1, and even 
then failed to be personally present, leaving to 
Livingston the ceremonious duty of naming his 
colleague. Probably he was annoyed that the 
First Consul agreed with Marbois, and had given 
to him the authority to proceed with the Louisi- 
ana negotiation. 

Livingston and Monroe, after reviewing the 
situation, made up their minds that they could 
give fifty millions, and, in the bargaining spirit 
which governed both sides, offered forty mil- 
lions, one half to be returned to American 
claimants. Marbois expressed his regret that 
they could not give more, and projwsed to 
consult the Consul. He came back from St. 
Cloud, saying that the business might be con- 
sidered as no longer in his hands, so coolly had 
Bonaparte received their proposition. He ad- 
vised that some pressure be brought to bear 
upon Talleyrand in order to secure the early 
presentation of Monroe. Later in the day 
Marbois came in to a dinner which Cambaceres 



ENVOY IN FKANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 85 

was giving, and told the American envoys that 
if the Consul did not reopen the question they 
might consider the j^lan relinquished. They 
quickly proceeded to offer fifty millions. Mar- 
bois doubted whether this would be accepted. 
Here came a significant pause lasting for several 
days. " We were resting on our oars," says 
one of the negotiators. 

On April 17 Bonaparte made an official an- 
nouncement to the Pope and others that, in 
consequence of England's violation of the Peace 
of Amiens, France was involved in war with 
her. It is easy to see the bearing of this on the 
American negotiations. Ten days later Mar- 
bois laid before Livingston and Monroe the 
draft of a treaty given him by the government,^ 
and another which was his own. In the latter 
he proposed as the price eighty million francs, 
which was to include the sum requisite for the 
American claimants. Our envoys offered fifty 
millions, with twenty more for the claimants, 
but at last acceded to the figures of Marbois. 

This concluded the business. Marbois tells 
us that when Bonaparte heard what sum had 
been agreed upon, he received the intelligence 

1 In the Correspond ance de Napoleon, vol. viii., the projet 
of a secret convention between France and the United States 
is printed (without signature), dated April 28, 1803, from the 
Archives de France. 



86 JAMES MONROE 

with opposition. He had forgotten, or he 
feigned to forget, his original willingness to sell 
for fifty millions, and he objected to the allow- 
ance of twenty millions to the American suitors ; 
but he soon grew calmer and acquiesced in the 
cession. " I have given to England," he said 
exultingly, " a maritime rival which will sooner 
or later humble her pride." Some details were 
worked out in respect to the mode of payment ; 
Monroe's presentation to the Consul soon fol- 
lowed; and at length. May 2, the plenipoten- 
tiaries signed the French copy of the treaty, 
and two or three days later the copy in English. 
On the thirteenth of the month a ratified copy 
was transmitted to Madison. Two conventions 
proceeded from the treaty of cession, the first in 
respect to the mode of payment for the cession ; 
the second in respect to American claims. 

As soon as they had signed the treaty the 
plenipotentiaries rose and shook hands, when 
Livingston said, expressing the general satis- 
faction, '' We have lived long, but this is the 
noblest work of our whole lives." ^ This har- 

1 His speech as reported by Marbois, p. 310, is full of in- 
terest. The M^moires of Lucien Bonaparte contain many 
interesting- particulars of the negotiation. The whole story of 
the Louisiana purchase and the discussions to which it led is 
told with admirable vivacity and with ample details in the 
History of the United States under the First Administration of 
Jefferson, by Henry Adams, vol. ii. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 87 

monions conclusion was not readied without 
some personal rivalry — if jealousy is too harsh 
a term to be employed — between the American 
representatives ; and there is a long letter still 
extant in which Monroe recounts the embarrass- 
ments of the situation arising from the conduct 
of his colleague. But their personal feelings 
were fortunately kept in the background until 
the business was concluded, although they may 
be incidentally traced in their public and official 
correspondence.^ 

On May 21 Marbois received the following 
letter of acknowledirment : ^ — • 



'&■ 



" Sur les 240,000 francs, Citoyen Ministre, que 
doivent les six banqiiiers du tr^sor public, 48,000 
francs seront donnas en gratification, conform^ment 
a ma lettre de ce jour ; 192,000 francs seront a 
votre disposition pour supplier a I'insuffisance de 
votre traitement, ay ant Tintention que vous voyiez 
dans cette disposition le ddsir que j'ai de vous td- 
moigner ma satisfaction de vos travaux importants et 
du bon ordre que vous avez mis dans votre ministere, 
qui ont valu a la R^publique un grand nonibre de 
millions. Bonaparte." 

Monroe took leave of Bonaparte June 24, 
having been presented to him for this purpose 

1 Monroe MSS. 

2 Correspondance de Napoleon J^*", An XI. (1803)c 



88 JAMES MONROE 

by Talleyranrl at St. Cloud. Tlif^ First Consul 
asked if he were about going to London, and 
Monroe replied that he had lately received the 
orders of the President, in case our affairs here 
were auiicably adjusted, to repair to London ; 
that the resignation of our minister there, and 
the want of a charge^ made it necessary to go 
at once. He then gave a formal expression of 
American good-will; to which Bonaparte re- 
plied that " no one wished more than himself 
the preservation of a good understanding ; that 
the cession he had made was not so much on 
account of the price given as from motives of 
policy ; and that he wished for friendship be- 
tween the republics." ^ 

In the progress of this affair the French had 
promised the Americans to exert their good in- 
fluences with Spain to induce her to yield the 
Floridas, — the limit separating these posses- 
sions from Louisiana being then in dispute. 
Monroe, as soon as the Louisiana purchase was 
completed, determined to go to Madrid and treat 
for the Floridas, but Cambaceres, who heard 
him say this one day at dinner, almost forbade 
him, for reasons which were not quite easy to 
be discovered. He accordingly called on the 
Spanish minister, and there to his surprise he 
found that Livingston had already begun that 

1 Monroe MSS. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 89 

negotiation with Spain which Monroe had been 
especially charged to undertake. This led to 
serious explanations between the two American 
envoys. Monroe postponed his visit to Spain 
and went to London. He had left the United 
States accredited to France, Spain and England, 
— the commission to the Court of St. James 
having been an afterthought, and dated three 
months later. 

As a sequel to this narrative, the following 
letter to Marbois from Monroe wdll be read with 
interest : ^ — 

" London, February 14, 1804. 

" My last letter from the secretary of state (of 
Decemher 26) mentioned that Louisiana was surren- 
dered to the Prefect of France the latter end of 
November, who was to transfer it to the commis- 
sioners of the United States on their arrival at New 
Orleans, which was expected in a day or two from 
that date. Mr. Madison adds that he considers all 
difficulties on that subject as happily terminated. Mr. 
B. is expected here daily with everything belonging 
to a complete execution of this transaction. In the 
mean time I air. persuaded that the house in Holland 
wiU consider it as concluded and act accordingly. 

" It gives me pleasure to observe that the prompt 
and unconditional exchange of ratifications by your 
charge d'affaires at Washington, and his correct con- 
duct in promoting the transfer of the territory of the 

1 Monroe MSS. 



90 JAMES MONROE 

United States, in obedience to the orders of his gov* 
ernment, are unequivocal proofs of the good faith 
with which the treaties were formed. The manner 
in which the President expressed himself in his mes- 
sage to Congress of the enlarged liberty and friendly 
policy which governed the First Consul in the trans- 
action, shows in strong terms the sense which he 
entertains of it. May it seal forever the friendship 
of the two nations. To have been in any degree 
instrumental to that important result is one of the 
circumstances of my life which will always give me 
the highest satisfaction. In society with my respect- 
able colleague, to have met an old friend on the other 
side, who had experienced, as well as myself, some 
vicissitudes in the extraordinary movements of the 
epoch in wdiich we live, is an incident which adds 
not a little to the gratification which I derive from 
the event. 

" You have doubtless heard that Jerome Bonaparte 
is married to Miss Patterson of Baltimore. Her fa- 
ther is one of the most respectable citizens of that 
town or rather of the State of IVIaryland. Her 
mother is a sister of General Smith, a member of 
the Senate of the United States, the officer who de- 
fended Mud Island below^ Philadelphia in our Revo- 
lution. The connection is every way as respectable 
as he could have formed in the United States. The 
young lady is amiable, very handsome, and perfectly 
innocent. The bearer of this is her brother, who 
goes to Paris from this place, to carry a letter from 
Jerome to the First Consul, which was transmitted 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 91 

to me by her father. As he has also written to Mr. 
Livingston, I inclose to him the letter to the First 
Consul, as he might expect that the communication 
should be made through him. Nevertheless, I have 
taken the liberty to present to you the young man, 
and apprise you of the above facts, in confidence that 
you will make such friendly representations of the 
affair as you may find necessary." 

The letter concludes with messages of private 
friendship. 

Livingston was never quite at his ease in re- 
spect to Monroe. He naturally felt some cha- 
grin in not being allowed to conclude, without 
the support of a fresh colleague, the negotiation 
he had undertaken, and he was careful not to 
yield any of his own prerogatives or to conceal 
his own services. The apprehensions under 
which he opened his correspondence with Mon- 
roe, on the latter's arrival in Havre, he subse- 
quently explained as due to the dissimulations 
of Talleyrand. These were his explanations to 
Madison : ^ — 

" I have in my former letter informed you of M. 
Talleyrand's calling upon me, previous to the arrival 
of Mr. Monroe, for a proposition for the whole of 
Louisiana ; of his afterwards trifling with me, and 
telling me that what he said wa^ unauthorized. 
This circumstance, for which I have accounted ta 

1 November 15, 1803. 



92 JAMES MONROE 

you In one of my letters, led me to think, though it 
afterwards appeared without reason, that some change 
had taken place in the determination which I knew 
the Consul had before taken to sell. I had just then 
received a line from Mr. Monroe, informing me of 
his arrival. I wrote to him a hasty answer, under 
the influence of ideas excited by these prevarications 
of the minister, expressing the hope that he had 
brought information that New Orleans was in our 
possession ; that I hoped our negotiation might be 
successful ; but that, while I feared nothing but war 
would avail us anything, I had paved the way for 
him. This letter is very imprudently shown and 
spoken of by Mr. Monroe's particular friends as a 
proof that he had been the principal agent in the 
negotiation. So far, indeed, as it may tend to this 
object, it is of little moment, because facts and dates 
are too well known to be contradicted. For instance, 
it is known to everybody here that the Consul had 
taken his resolution to sell jirevious to Mr. Monroe's 
arrival. It is a fact well known that M. Marbois 
was authorized, informally, by the First Consul, to 
treat with me, before Mr. Monroe reached Paris ; 
that he actually made me the very proposition we 
ultimately agreed to, before Mr. Monroe had seen a 
minister, except M. Marbois, for a moment, at my 
house, where he came to make the proposition, Mr. 
Monroe not having been presented to M. Talleyrand, 
to whom I introduced him the afternoon of the next 
day. All, then, that remained to negotiate, after his 
arrival, was a diminution of the price, and in this 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 93 

Diir joint mission was unfortunate ; for we came up, 
as soon as Mr. Monroe's illness would suffer him to 
do business, after a few days delay, to the minister's 
offers. There is no doubt that Mr. Monroe's talents 
and address would have enabled him, had he been 
placed in my circumstances, to have effected what I 
have done. But he, unfortunately, came too late to 
do more than assent to the propositions that were 
made us, and to aid in reducing them to form. I 
think he has too much candor not to be displeased 
that his friends should publicly endeavor to depreciate 
me by speaking of a private letter, hastily written, 
under circumstances of irritation with which Mr. 
Monroe is fully acquainted ; a letter, too, which may 
contribute in two ways to advance the views of the 
enemies of the administration. It is in this light 
only that it gives me pain." 

In looking over this extraordinary chapter in 
history, which records probably the largest 
transaction in real estate which the world has 
ever known, it is interesting to trace the concur- 
rence of so many factors. The ambition of 
Napoleon, the sagacity of Jefferson, the diplo- 
macy of Talleyrand and Marbois, the caution of 
Livino-bton, the enthusiasm of Monroe, were all 
manifested in the sale of a part of the North 
American continent, the boundaries of which 
were uncertain, the title insecure, and the price 
incapable of being determined by any market 
standard nearer than " the cost of Etruria,'* 



94 JAMES MONROE 

whlcli was the price of the cession of Louisiana 
by Spain. Yet back of these personal influ- 
ences were great ideas controlling the action of 
vigorous nations ; there was the English deter- 
mination to put down the rising dominion of 
Napoleon ; there was the willingness of Spain 
to give up New Orleans ; there was the Ameri- 
can resolution to secure, by diplomacy or by 
force, the Mississippi outlet ; there was the read- 
iness of France to prevent the seizure of New 
Orleans by the English, and to build up in the 
new world a powerful rival to Great Britain. 
France was enough involved with financial diffi- 
cidties to need money ; the United States, by a 
wise financial policy, was in good credit at Am- 
sterdam ; and so, when the price had been fixed, 
there was no trouble about payment, and no 
delay in the transfer. 

Nobody could foretell the momentous conse- 
quences which would proceed from this sale. 
Bonaparte thought that two or three hundred 
years later American influence might be over- 
powering, a contingency so remote that even his 
aspirations were not affected by it ; and Jeffer- 
son was far-seeing enough to devise an explor- 
ing expedition which should proceed to the ex- 
treme Northwest and report with as much 
precision as the science of the day would permit 
in respect to the sources of the great rivers. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 95 

But this was all. Beyond the Mississippi was 
a land unknown. The Americans did not ask 
for it, and Livingston comforted himself with 
the thought that perhaps a part of it could be 
resold ; France pressed its purchase on those 
who were only asking for New Orleans and the 
rioridas. By this marvelous combination of 
circumstances Louisiana, including the far 
Northwest, became ourso 

The subsequent history of the United States 
has been closely connected with this famous 
acquisition. The Missouri compromise, the an- 
nexation of Texas, the northwestern boundary 
disputes, the acquisition of California and of 
the northern provinces of Mexico, the discovery 
of gold and silver, the Nebraska bill, the Mor- 
mon difficulty, the Indian policy, the Alaska 
purchase, the Pacific railroads, the isthmus canal 
question, the Chinese immigration, — who can 
say that any one of these controversies and 
events v/ould ever have come to the front if 
Spain, or France, or Great Britain had re- 
mained in control of that half of our domain 
which lies beyond the Mississippi ? 

Among the concurrent circumstances there is 
none so extraordinary to us who are accustomed 
to constitutional limitations, as the arbitrary 
power then held in France by one who was still 
a young man, and who, a few years previous, — at 



06 JAMES MONROE 

tbe beginning, let «s say, of Monroe's first mis« 
sion, — was comparatively unknown, and without 
the slightest prescience of his coming authority. 
The mem()ii*s of Marbois, Livingston and Mon- 
roe, and the correspondence of Napoleon, do not 
give any indication that the First Consul, in this 
far=reaching exercise of his authority, was guided 
by the opinion of a cabinet or council, or re- 
stricted by any fundamental law. He speaks to 
Marbois in the singular number, like the owner 
of a house or farm, as if he were, indeed, the 
personification of France. He does, it is true, 
consult two ministers of state, but he turns ab- 
ruptly away from the advice of one of them, and 
to the other he gives directions as positive and 
arbitrary as if he were directing a broker to sell 
a cargo. The mighty deeds of Napoleon's sword 
have been undone, but the stroke of his pen 
wrought a change which now, after fourscore 
years have passed, is no more liable to counter- 
change than the Mississippi is to flow into the 
lakes. 

Soon after Monroe's arrival in England he 
received from Madison, the secretary of state, 
the plan of a convention to be proposed to the 
British government, with particular reference 
to our maritime rights. We had suffered so 
much from impressment of seamen, blockade, 
and the search of our vessels, that it was quite 



Er^VOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 97 

time to insist on the national claims. Early in 
April, 1804, the subject was brought to the 
attention of Lord Hawkesbury ; but before any 
response was received Addington had yielded 
the leadership to Pitt, and Lord Harrowby had 
taken the foreign office. He received Monroe 
in a manner which was fitted to wound and 
irritate ; not a friendly sentiment toward the 
United States escaped him ; and the American 
minister considered these concerns as postponed 
indefinitely. Before autumn the foreign min- 
ister grew more conciliatory, but no conclusions 
were reached at the beginning of October, when, 
by mutual consent, the negotiations were post- 
poned, and Monroe left London on an absence 
of several months. 

Looking forward to a release from the public 
service, Monroe wrote to Judge Jones from 
London, May 16, 1804, saying that he should 
gather a collection of law books and bring them 
home with a view to continuing the practice of 
the law. He hoj^ed that thus, with the aid of a 
farm, he might gain enough to support a family 
without the aid of other resources. He indi- 
cated his strong preference for Richmond and 
directed the sale of his land above Charlottes- 
ville, as it brought no income. He said he 
coidd live better on two thousand dollars per 
year in Richmond than on two thousand pounds 



98 JAMES MONROE 

in London. He had tliought seriously of accept 
ing the appointment in Louisiana which Mad- 
ison was willing to give him, though the admin- 
istration seemed to prefer that he should remain 
in London. Jefferson intimated that he might 
be sent to Spain. Tlie whole tenor of the letter 
is that of one who is longing for repose at home, 
suffering from fatigue and poor health abroad, 
and in want of sufficient means to maintain 
agreeably his diplomatic station.^ 

It will be remembered that he went from the 
United States commissioned to Spain as well as 
France, but did not continue his journey to 
Madrid. In the autumn of 1804 he resumed 
the proposed negotiations with Spain, and, as he 
went through Paris, solicited from Talleyrand 
the French support in his endeavor to secure 
from the Spaniards the cession of their posses- 
sions to the east of the mouths of the Missis- 
sippi. The exact eastern boundary of the 
Louisiana Territory already acquired by tlie 
United States was undetermined, and Florida 
was wanted. Months previous Napoleon had 
pledged his good offices in the promotion of the 
plans of the United States ; but when they were 
now solicited he failed to make the expected 
response, although cautiously warned that there 
was danger of an immediate rupture between 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 99 

Spain and the United States, which would, 
indirectly at least, he harmful to France. 
Monroe and Pinckney accordingly prosecuted 
their mission as best they could without the 
French cooperation. From January to May 
they were in constant negotiation with the 
Spanish minister, Don Pedro Cevallos, — but 
it all resulted in nothinof and Monroe returned 
to his residence in London. 

Lord Mulgrave was now in the foreign office. 
New seizures of American vessels by the British 
gave renewed emphasis to the American com- 
plaints, which were met with dilatory and pro- 
voking responses. The death of Pitt brought 
about another change of ministry early in 1806, 
and the whole story of our demands was pre- 
sented to the more friendly consideration of 
Fox, who promised to give his immediate atten- 
tion to the business and pursue it without delay 
until it was concluded. Bat he again encoun- 
tered obstacles among: his coUeajjues. Mean- 
while, as Monroe had been sent to reinforce 
other ministers, William Pinkney was sent to 
reinforce Monroe. He had previously been 
resident in London for a long time, and had 
pressed to a successful issue the claims of the 
State of Maryland to some stock in the Bank of 
England. He had held the office of commis- 
sioner under the treaty of 1794. The joint 



100 JAMES MONROE 

commission of the two envoys was dated May 
17, 1806, and covered a larger field of negotia- 
tion and convention than that which had been 
intrusted to Monroe alone. Their early com- 
munications to Madison contained the same old 
story of delay. Fox was now ill beyond the 
hope of recovery, and the good offices of his 
nejDhew, Lord Holland, were solicited to secure 
an official recognition from the king. Lord 
Grenville now assumed the direction of affairs, 
and he soon informed the Americans that Lord 
Auckland and Lord Holland were appointed as 
a special commission to discuss all matters pend- 
ing between the two governments. Toward the 
end of August, 1806, serious negotiations began 
in Downing Street, and as the last day of the 
year was reached, these wearisome and complex 
deliberations were concluded by a treaty. This 
was forwarded to Washington at once by the 
hand of Mr. Purviance, but it did not reach Mr. 
Jefferson until March 15. Twelve days before, 
on March 3, just before the adjournment of 
Congress, the President saw a copy of the treaty 
which Mr. Erskine, the British minister, had 
received.^ 

Long as the negotiations had been, and vo* 
luminous as were the results, the treaty failed 
in two fundamental points. It made no prov' 

^ J. Q. Adams's Diary, i. 466. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 101 

sion against the impressment of our seamen; 
and it secured no indemnity for losses which 
Americans had incurred in the seizure of their 
goods and vessels. Jefferson " pigeon-holed " 
it. He took the responsibility, without sum- 
moning the Senate, to withhold his ratification. 
When it became evident that this would be the 
result, the secretary of state wrote to the com- 
missioners that the President thought it better, 
if no satisfactory or formal stipulation on the 
subject of impressment were attainable, that the 
negotiation should terminate without any formal 
compact whatever. A fresh draft of the Ameri- 
can expectations was then drawn up, upon 
which the two envoys might renew their nego- 
tiations. 

In his memoirs of the Whig party Lord 
Holland has given a graphic picture of the 
American commissioners, and of the attitude of 
the English government, which may here be 
quoted : — 

" Without notice or explanation, an order for de- 
taining all neutrals engaged in such a connnerce was 
suddenly issued ; and a prodigious number of Ameri- 
cans were brought into our ports by his majesty's 
cruisers in the summer and autumn of 1805. The 
principle of these seizures was not likely to be very 
readily admitted by any independent power whose 
subjects had suffered by the apphcation of it. The 



i02 JAMES MONROE 

sudden and peremjjtory manner of enforcing it was 
yet more offensive, and aggravated that hostile feel- 
ing which long mismanagement on our part, and 
some folly on theirs, had created in the leading party 
in North America. Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney 
were instructed to insist on an explanation upon this 
important point, on some regulation of the impress- 
ment of British seamen found in American merchant 
vessels, on the right and practice of searching for 
them at sea, and on many other inferior but difficult 
subjects. When, however, the death of Mr. Pitt 
was known, the spirit, though not the substance, of 
their instructions was softened, and the mission was 
authorized to assume a more conciliatory tone than 
their original instructions seemed to breathe. The 
two gentlemen were empowered to negotiate and 
conclude a treaty of commerce, which should regulate 
all disputed points, and place the two countries per- 
manently on a more amicable footing. We found 
the two American commissioners fair, explicit, frank 
and intelligent. Mr. Monroe (afterwards President) 
was a sincere Republican, who during the Revolution 
in France had imbibed a strong predilection for that 
country, and no slight aversion to this. But he had 
candor and principle. A nearer view of the consu- 
lar and imperial government of France, and of our 
constitution in England, converted him from both 
these opinions. ' I find,' said he to me, ' your mon- 
archy more republican than monarchical, and the 
French republic infinitely more monarchical than 
^oui monarchy.' He was plain in his manners and 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 103 

somewhat slow in his apprehension ; but he was a 
diligent, earnest, sensible, and even profound man. 
His colleague, who had been partly educated in 
England and was a lawyer by profession, had more 
of the forms and readiness of business, and greater 
knowledge and cultivation of mind ; but perhaps his 
opinions were neither so firmly rooted nor so deeply 
considered as those of Mr. Monroe. Throuohout 
our negotiation they were conciliatory, both in form 
and in substance. They exceeded their instructions 
by signing a treaty which left the article of impress- 
ment unsettled. My colleague and I took credit to 
ourselves for having convinced them of the extreme 
difficulty of the subject, arising from the impossibility 
of our allowing seamen to withdraw themselves from 
our service during war, and from the inefficacy of all 
the regulations which they had been enabled to pro- 
pose for preventing their entering into American 
ships. They, on the other hand, persuaded us that 
they were themselves sincere in wishing to prevent 
it ; and we saw no reason for suspecting that the 
government of the United States was less so. But 
though they professed, and I believe felt, a strong 
wish to enforce such a provision, they did not con- 
vince us that they had the power or means of enfor- 
cing it. There was, consequently, no article in the 
treaty upon the subject. Upon this omission and 
upon other more frivolous pretexts, but with the real 
purpose and effect of defeating Mr. Monroe's views 
on the presidentship, Mr. Jefferson refused to ratify 
a treaty which would have secured his countrymen 



104 JAMES MONROE 

from all further vexations, and prevented a war 
between two nations, whose habits, language, and 
interests should unite them in perpetual alliance and 
good-fellowship. 

*' I had an opportunity during this negotiation of 
observing the influence of situation over men's opin- 
ions. The atmosphere of the admiralty made those 
who breathed it shudder at anything like concessions 
to the Americans ; while the anxiety to avoid war and 
to enlarge our resources by commerce, so natural in 
the treasury, softened natures otherwise less yield- 
ing, and led them to listen with favor to every con- 
ciliatory expedient." 

Events were driving the two nations into a 
collision which might have been averted by 
diplomacy, but which soon developed into war. 
On July 24 the American commissioners, in ac- 
cordance with their instructions, had reopened a 
correspondence with Mr. Canning, now foreign 
secretary in the Portland ministry, and on the 
very next day intelligence was received in Lon- 
don that the British ship Leopard, asserting the 
right to search for deserters, had attacked the 
American frigate Chesapeake, off the Chesa- 
peake capes.^ Of course this brought still more 
delay. After the settlement of this aggression 
had been transferred from London to Washing- 
ton, the treaty was again brought up for recon* 

I June 23, 1807. 



ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 105 

sideration by the British minister in October. 
Before much progress could be made, the famous 
"orders in council," full of menace to Ameri- 
can commerce, were passed, and remonstrances 
against them were presented by Pinkney, who 
now assumed the entire responsibility of the 
legation. 

Monroe returned to America near the close of 
1807, and soon drew up an elaborate defense of 
his diplomatic conduct in England in a letter 
to Madison, which covers ten folio pages of the 
State Papers.^ The enthusiasm with which he 
might have been received immediately after the 
Louisiana purchase was dampened by his failure 
in the English negotiations. Politicians were 
already discussing the presidential succession, 
the Republican party being divided in their 
preferences for Madison and Monroe. Jeffer- 
son endeavored to remain neutral ; Wirt was in 
favor of Madison ; at length the legislature of 
Virginia settled the choice by pronouncing in 
favor of the latter. Monroe's friends acqui- 
esced. Soon afterwards Madison was placed in 
the chair of the President, and Monroe, after a 
brief interval, was reelected to the post of gov- 
ernor. It was a mark of the confidence of those 
who knew him best that thus a second time, ou 
his return from a foreign land, more or less dis- 

1 February 28, 1808. 



106 JAMES MONROE 

appointee), if not under a cloud, lie should be 
called to the highest office in the gift of the 
people of the State. 

I cannot discover that the failure of Monroe 
to accomplish the purpose of his mission to 
Spain and England indicates any want of in- 
telligence, assiduity, or fidelity on his part. Al- 
though there is a curious gap in the published 
papers just before his departure for England, I 
do not see any evidence that the administration 
lost their confidence in him. He failed because 
the times were not propitious for success. Spain 
was not ready to give up the Floridas. England 
was determined not to yield the right of search ; 
not even after a disastrous war would she ac- 
knowledge the wrongs against which the United 
States protested. During Monroe's short mis- 
sion to London he was obliged to be absent from 
that city several months, and he was actually 
brouofht into neofotiations with six successive for- 
eign secretaries, besides the two special commis- 
sioners ; and these secretaries were involved in 
the perplexities which arose from prolonged hos- 
tilities with a most vigorous foe. The delays 
which were thus occasioned may have been in- 
evitable, but they were very costly. War fol- 
lowed in their train. 



CHAPTER V 

SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 

Madison became president in 1809. Mon- 
roe, who had been a rival aspirant for the office, 
was called to the post of secretary of state in 
1811, as the successor of Robert Smith of Mary- 
land. His associates in the cabinet at that time 
were Gallatin, Eustis, Paul Hamilton, and, a lit 
tie later, William Pinkney. The war, which for 
several years had seemed inevitable, was now im- 
minent. Congress indicated a desire for posi- 
tive measures, and although the President still 
favored peace, bills were passed for augmenting 
the army and navy, for enlisting volunteers, and 
for organizing the militia. The administration 
was floated onward by the current of public 
opinion. The British "orders in council" were 
the immediate occasion of this spirit of resist- 
ance, but the troubles had begun long before. 
After hearing Mr. Perceval's public declaration 
in February, 1812, that England could not listen 
to the pretensions of neutral nations, the Amer- 
ican minister in London, Mr. Russell, wrote 
home that war could not honorably be avoided 



108 JAMES MONROE 

This expectation soon became a fact, and war 
was declared on June 18, 1812. It was a curi- 
ous coincidence that the act of declaration was 
drawn by William Pinkney, and communicated 
to England by James Monroe, the two commis- 
sioners in London whose efforts to maintain 
peace by a reasonable treaty had been unsuc- 
cessful a few years before. 

Then followed a long period of tumult, dis- 
aster, and victory, the story of which has been 
so often told that it will here be referred to 
only in illustration of the life of Monroe. 
Moreover this part of his history is so well 
known that I cannot shed any new light upon it. 
As secretary of state his duties were not at the 
beginning more complex than the ordinary, but 
he was afterwards charged with the additional 
responsibilities of the war department, and 
thus his position became doubly powerful and 
difficult. Monroe — who was commonly desig- 
nated by his military title, Colonel Monroe, and 
who had the renown of brave service in the 
Revolution — seriously deliberated whether he 
should take the field in person, as a volunteer, if 
not to command ; but he restrained his military 
ardor. 

During the summer and autumn of 1811 
the secretary of state was engaged in a brisk 
correspondence with Mr. Foster, the British 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 109 

minister in Wasliins^ton. His most extended 
dispatch was that of July 23, in which he vig- 
orously defends the rights of neutrals. His 
concluding sentences have an eloquent ring. 
" It is the interest of belligerents," he argues, 
" to mitigate the calamities of war, and neutral 
powers jiossess ample means to promote that 
object, provided they sustain, with impartiality 
and firmness, the dignity of their station. If 
belligerents expect advantage from neutrals, 
they should leave them in the full enjoyment 
of their rights. The present war has been op- 
pressive beyond example by its duration, and 
by the desolation it has spread tlironghout 
Europe. It is highly important that it should 
assume at least a milder character. By the 
revocation of the French edicts, so far as they 
respected the neutral commerce of the United 
States, some advance is made towards that 
most desirable and consoling result. Let Great 
Britain follow the example. The ground thus 
gained will soon be enlarged by the concurring 
and pressing Interests of all parties ; and what- 
ever is gained will accrue to the advantage of 
afflicted humanity." ^ Six months later, Jan- 
uary 14, 1812, he writes again to Mr. Foster, 
complaining that in the conduct of the British 
government it is Impossible to see anything 

^ State Papers, iu. 



XIO JAMES MONROE 

sliort of a determined hostility to the rights and 
interests of the United States. 

The relations of the United States with 
France also required careful attention from the 
secretary, though they were less critical than 
those with England. Joel Barlow was commis- 
sioned as minister to the Emperor of the French, 
and the secretary, July 26, 1811, gave him ex- 
tended instructions with reference to the claims 
of the United States. France, he assumes, has 
changed her policy towards the United States, 
as the revocation of her decrees indicates, but 
much is yet to be done by her to satisfy Ameri- 
can claims. " If she wishes to profit by neutral 
commerce she must become the advocate of 
neutral rights, as v.ell by her practice as by her 
theory." Such was the message sent to the 
emperor, and it had some influence upon his 
subsequent action. A treaty of commerce was 
proposed ; but as delay was expected in negoti- 
ating it. Barlow endeavored to secure an official 
memorandum of the agreement of the two pow- 
ers, but was obliged to be content with general 
assurances from the emperor, that the principles 
contended for were adopted and would be put in 
operation. 1 

The inauspicious opening of the war is a 
familiar story. Much of the blame for the dis* 

^ State Papers, iii. 516. % 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 111 

asters which occurred was thrown upon the 
secretary of war, Dr. Eustis, a surgeon in the 
Revolutionary army, who at length gave way. 
Monroe acted ad interi?n until the appointment 
of General John Armstrong, who had held the 
rank of major in the Revolutionary army, and 
had since then been called to many conspicuous 
public stations, among them that of minister to 
France. The war did not go much better after 
the change in the secretary's office. Monroe 
looked with great suspicion on his colleague's 
conduct of affairs, and at length addressed the 
President as follows, after a short conversation 
the evening previous : ^ — • 

JAMES MONROE TO PRESIDENT MADTSOX. 

July 25, 1813. 
You intimated that you had understood tliat Gen- 
eral Armstrong intended to repair to the northern 
frontiers and to direct the operations of the cam- 
paign ; and it was afterwards suggested to me that 
he would, as secretary at war, perform the duties of 
lieutenant-general. It merits consideration how far 
the exercise of such a power is strictly constitutional 
and correct in itself ; and secondly, how far it may 
affect the character of your administration and of 
those acting in it ; and thirdly, whether it is not 
otherwise liable to objection on the ground of policy. 
I shall bo able to present to your consideration a 

1 Monroe MSS. 



112 JAMES MONROE 

few hints only on each of these propositions. The 
departments of the government, being recognized by 
the Constitution, have appropriate duties under it as 
organs of the executive will ; they contain records of 
its transactions, and are in that sense checks on the 
Executive. If the secretary of war leaves the seat 
of government (the chief magistrate remaining there) 
and performs the duties of a general, the powers of 
the chief magistrate, of the secretary at war, and 
general are all united in the latter. Tliere ceases to 
be a check on executive power as to military opera- 
tions ; indeed, the executive power as known to the 
Constitution is destroyed ; the whole is transferred 
from the Executive to the general at the head of the 
army. It is completely absorbed in hands where it is 
most dangerous. 

It may be said that the President is commander- 
in-chief ; that the secretary at war is his organ as to 
military operations, and that he may allow him to go 
to the army, as being well informed in military affairs, 
and act for himself. I am inclined to think that the 
President, unless he takes the command of the army 
in person, acts, in directing its movements, more as the 
executive power than as commander-in-chief. What 
would become of the secretary at war if the Presi- 
dent took command of the army, I do not know. I 
rather suppose, however, that although some of his 
powers would be transferred to the military staff 
about the President, he would, nevertheless, retain 
his appropriate constitutional character in all other 
respects. The adjutant-general would become the 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 113 

organ of the Executive as to military operations, but 
the secretary of war would be that for every other 
measure, indeed for all except movements in the 
field. The Department at War would therefore still 
form some check on the Executive at the head of the 
army, but there would be none on the secretary^ 
when he was general. 

On the second head, the effect it might have on 
the credit of your administration, there can be little 
doubt. If there is cause to suspect the measure on 
constitutional grounds, that circumstance alone would 
wound its credit deeply. But a total yielding of the 
power, as would be inferred, and might and pro. 
bably would be assumed, (for any act which would be 
performed or order given without the sanction of the 
chief magistrate would, in a degree, operate in that 
way), would affect it in another sense not less in- 
juriously. It is impossible for the secretary at war 
to go to the frontier, and perform the offices con- 
templated, without exercising all those of the military 
commander, especially. He would carry with him, 
of course, those of the War Department, for by the 
powers of that department would he act as general, 
and control all military and other operations, and 
being forced to act by circumstances and take his 
measures by the day, he could have no order or 
sanction from the chief magistrate. This would be 
seen by the public and imperil greatly the credit of 
the administration. If General Armstronsf is the 
person most fit to command the armies, let him be 
\3.ppointed such ; there will then be a check on him in 



114 JAMES MONROE 

the chief magistrate and in the War Department 
Does he possess in a prominent degree the public 
confidence for that trust ? Do we not know the fact 
to be otherwise, that it was with difficulty he was 
appointed a brigadier-general, and still greater diffi° 
culty that he was appointed secretary at war? 

On the ground of policy I have already made some 
remarks; but there are other objections to it on that 
ground. If he withdraws from the seat of govern- 
ment, and takes his station with the northern troops, 
what will become of every other army, — that under 
Harrison, Pinckney, and Wilkinson, and of those 
stationed in other quarters, especially along the coast ? 
Who will direct the general movement, supervise their 
supplies, etc. ? 

I cannot close these remarks without adding some- 
thing in relation to myself. Stimulated by a deep 
sense of the misfortunes of our country, as well as its 
disgrace by the surrender of Hull, the misconduct of 
Van Rensselaer and Smyth, and by the total want 
of character in the northern campaign, and dreading 
its effects on your administration, on the Republican 
party and cause, I have repeatedly offered my service 
in a military station, not that I wished to take it by 
preference to my present one, which to all others I 
prefer, but from a dread of the consequences above- 
mentioned. 

I was willing to take the Department of War per- 
manently, if, in leaving my present station, it was 
thought I might be more useful there than in a mili- 
tary command. I thought otherwise. What passed 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 113 

on this subject proves that I considered tlie Depart- 
ment of War as a very different trust from that of 
the military commander. 

You api)eared to think I might be more useful 
with the army, as did Mr. Gallatin, with whom I 
conferred on tlie subject. I was convinced that tlie 
duties of secretary of war and military commander 
were not only incompatible under our government, 
but that they could not be exercised by the same 
person. I was equally satisfied that the secretary at 
war could not perform, in his character as secretary, 
the duties of general of the army. The movement 
of the army must be regulated daily by events which 
occur daily, and the movement of all its parts, to be 
combined and simultaneous, must be under the control 
of the general in the field, not of the War Depart- 
ment. That this is the o})inion of General Armstrong 
also, is evident from his disposition to join the army. 
He knows that here he cannot direct the movements 
of the armies. He knows also that he could not be 
appointed the lieutenant-general, and that it is only 
in his present character as secretary at war that he 
can expect to exercise his functions of general. 

As soon as General Armstrong took charge of the 
Department at War I thought I saw his plan, that is, 
after he had held it a few days. I saw distinctly 
that he intended to have no grade in the army which 
should be competent to a general control of military 
operations ; tliat he meant to keep the whole in his 
own hands ; that each operation should be distinct 
and separate, with distinct and separate objects, and, 



116 JAMES MONROE 

of course, to be directed by himself, not simply in 
the outline but detail, I anticipated mischief from 
this, because I knew that the movement could not be 
directed from this place ; I did not then anticipate 
the remedy which he had in view. 

I was animated by much zeal (in offering my ser- 
vices in a military station) in favor of your adminis- 
tx'ation and the cause of free government, which 1 
have long considered intimately connected together. 
I flattered myself that by my long services, and what 
the country knew of me, that I should give some 
impulse to the recruiting business, and otherwise aid 
the cause. The misfortunes and dangers attending 
the cause produced so much excitement that my zeal 
may have exposed me to the apjDearance of repulse 
and disappointment in the course things have taken. 
But, as I well know that yoa have justly appreciated 
my motives, and that the public cannot fail to do it, 
should any imputation of the kind alluded to be made, 
these are considerations which have no effect on my 
mind. 

Having seen into these things, from my little 
knowledge of military affairs and the management of 
the War Department for some weeks (which gave 
me a knowledge of the state of things there), and 
foreseeing some danger to your achninistration as 
well as to the public interest, from tlie causes above 
stated, I have felt it a duty which I owe to you, as 
v/ell as to the public, to communicate to you my 
sentiments on them. I have written them, in much 
truth and without reserve. You will, I am satisfied, 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 117 

bestow on them the consideration which they de- 
serve. 

I am, dear sir, sincerely and respectfully your 
friend, James Monroe. 

I will add that I cease to have any desire of a 
military station, having never wished one with a view 
to myself, and always under a conviction that I should 
incur risks and make sacrifices by it ; it is in conse- 
quence of feeling it strongly my duty that I entirely 
relinquish the idea. These hints are intended to 
bring to your consideration the other circumstances 
to which they allude. 

Six months later he sent to the President 
the following remonstrance against Armstrong's 
plan of a conscription, with an nrgent j)lea for 
his removal : — 

Washington, December 27, 1813. 

The following communication from the secretary 
of the navy is the cause of this letter. 

Just before I left the office he came into it and 
informed me that General Armstrong had adopted 
the idea of a conscription, and was engaged in commu- 
nications with members of Congress, in which he en- 
deavored to reconcile them to it, stating that the mili- 
tia could not be relied on, and regular troops could not 
be enlisted. Mr. Jones was fearful, should such an 
idea get into circulation, that it would go far, with 
other circumstances, to ruin the administration. He 
told me that he had his information from General Ja- 
eock, and he authorized me to communicate it to you. 



118 JAMES MONROE 

I suspect that many other members have already 
been sounded on it, as Mr. Roberts remarked to me 
yesterday that General Armstrong had returned and 
had many projects prepared for them. 

Other circumstances which have come(to my know- 
ledge ought to be known to you. Mr. Dawson called 
on me yesterday week and informed me that Mr. 
Fisk of New York intended to move on the next day 
a resolution calling on you to state by what authority 
General Armstrong had commanded the northern 
army during the late campaign ; who had discharged 
the duties of his office in his absence ; and for other 
information relating particularly to his issuing com- 
munications and exercising all the duties of secretary 
of war on tlie frontiers. I satisfied Mr. Dawson 
that an attack on the secretary on those grounds 
would be an attack on you, and that we must all 
support him against it, to support you. He assured 
me that he should represent /it in that light to Mr. 
Fisk and endeavor to prevail on him to decline the 
measure. I presume he did so. 

General M., whom I have seen, informed me that 
this gentleman was engaged in tlie seduction of the 
officers of the army, particularly tlie young men of 
talents, promising to one the rank ot brigadier, to 
another that of major-general, as he presumed without 
your knowledge ; teaching them to look to him, and 
not you, for preferment, and exciting their resent- 
ment against you if it did not take effect. He saya 
that the most corrupting system is carried on through- 
out the State of New York, by placing in office, partir 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 119 

cularly in the qnartermaster's department, his tools 
and the sons of influential men under them as clerks, 
etc. I did not go into detail. Other remarks of his 
I will take another opportunity of communicating to 
you. It is painful to me to make this communication 
to you, nor should I do it if I did not most conscien- 
tiously believe that this man, if continued in office, 
will ruin not you and the administration only, but 
the whole Republican party and cause. He has al- 
ready gone far to do it, and it is my opinion, if he is 
not promptly removed, he will soon accomplish it. 

The letter continues in confidential terms to 
exhibit the writer's estimate of Armstrono^. 

Armstrong retained his portfolio, notwith- 
standing this remonstrance from his colleague. 
The battle of Bladensburg, however, effected a 
change which no peaceful protest could bring 
about. It revealed the utter inadequacy of the 
national defense, and quickened the administra- 
tion to wiser methods of carrying on the war. 
During the approach of the British to Washing- 
ton, says General Cullum, — 

*• all in our armv was confusion, and thousfh Winder 
was called the commander of this motley mass, there 
was more than one volunteer generalissimo from the 
President's mounted cabinet, one of whom, the secre- 
tary of state, without Winder's knowledge, changed 
his order of battle, and another, the secretary ol 



120 JAMES MONROE 

war, had a few hours before been Invested by the 
President with tlie supreme command, though, for- 
tunately, his order was suspended before the battle 
began." 

From the various narratives, it appears that 
Monroe went out from Washington, on August 
20, with a slender escort of twenty-five or thirty 
dragoons, to reconnoitre the enemy's position, 
and he continued to watch their movements until 
after the battle of Bladensburg. On the 2 2d 
he informed tlie President that imminent danger 
threatened the capital, advised the removal of 
the government records, and suggested that ma- 
terials be in readiness for the destruction of the 
bridges. Then came the panic and the exodus 
of the inhabitants on the eve of an action. On 
the 24th, Monroe was with the President at 
General Winder's headquarters, when it was 
discovered that the enemy were marching to 
Bladensburg, and he repaired without loss of 
time to General Stansbury's position, in order 
to inform him of this movement. The accounts 
of what he did on the field are confused. Colo- 
nel Williams says there are discrepancies in the 
statements of various participants in the action 
which it is impossible to reconcile, the more 
singular because the statements were prepared 
for the information of Congress but a few weeks 
after the battle. Forty years later the recoUeo 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 121 

tlons of Richard Rush were drawn out in a letter, 
which gives a brief and vivid narrative of the 
sequence of events in that stirring week, and in- 
dicates the rehition of the President and his cab- 
inet to the various movements. It is not pos- 
sible for us to read this chapter in the national 
history with composure, and it is not easy on 
the field of Bladensburg to gather laurels for 
any one ; on the other hand, I shall not attempt 
to distribute the responsibilities of the disaster. 
The immediate result of it was that Ross and 
Cockburn lost no time in entering Washington, 
and soon the public buildings were in flames ; 
the ultimate result was popular determination to 
secure a more vigorous conduct of the war, in 
v/iiieh Monroe became a prominent actor.i 

Among contemporary narratives of these 
events two drafts have been preserved of a 
narrative written or inspired by Monroe, one 
of which will here be given. It belongs to 
the class of memoires pour sei'vir^ or semi-official 
memoranda, and will serve to give prominence 
to the secretary's proceedings at this time, as 
he would like to have them remembered. The 
date is September, 1814, a few weeks at most 
(and possibly but a few days) after the battle of 

^ On this subject see G. W. CuUura, Campaigns of 1812^ 
pp. 285-288; J. S. Williams, Capture of Washington, p. 209 J 
especially the letter of R. Rush on p. 274. 



122 JAMES MONROE 

Bladensburg and the burning of the capital, ^ 
dire events which are referred to euphuistically 
as " the affair of the twenty-fourth." The cir- 
cumstances which placed Monroe in charge of 
the War Department are here fully indicated. 

" The President, secretary of state, and attorney- 
general returned to the city of Washington on Satur- 
day, the 27th of August, at which time the enemy's 
squadron were battering the fort below Alexandria, 
whose unprotected inhabitants were in consternation, 
as were those of the city and of Georgetown, and in- 
deed of all the neighboring country. After the affair 
of the 24tli, General Winder rallied the principal part 
of the militia engaged in it at Montgomery Court- 
House, where he remained on the 25th and part of 
the 26th, preparing for a new movement, the neces- 
sity of which he anticipated. The secretary of state 
joined him ; a portion of the forces from Baltimore 
at Montgomery Court-House on the 25th had returned 
to that city. About midday on the 26th the general 
having received intelligence that the enemy were in 
motion towards Bladensburg, probably with intention 
to visit Baltimore, formed his troops without delay, 
and commenced his march towards EUicott's Mills, 
with intention to hang on the enemy's left flank in 
case Baltimore was their object, and of meeting them 
at the mills if they took that route. Late in the eve- 
ning of that day he resolved to proceed in person to 
Baltimore, to prepare that city for the attack with 
which it was menaced. As commander of the mili- 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 123 

tary district, it was his duty to look to every part and 
to make tiie necessary preparation for its defense, 
and none appeared then to be in greater danger or to 
have a stronger claim to his attention than the city 
of Baltimore. He announced this, his resohition, to 
Generals Stansbury and Smith, instructing them to 
watch the movements of the enemy, and to act with 
the force under their command as circumstances 
might require, and departed about 7 P. m. The 
secretary of state remained with Generals Stansbury 
and Smith. 

" The President [had] crossed the Potomac on the 
evening of the 24tli, accompanied by the attorney- 
general and General Mason, and remained on the 
south side of the river a few miles above the lower 
falls, on the 25th. On the 26th he recrossed the 
Potomac, and went to Brookville, in the neiirlibor- 
hood of Montgomery Court-House, with intention to 
join General Winder. 

" On the 27th the secretary of state, having heard 
that the enemy had evacuated the city, notified it, by 
express, to the President, and advised immediate re- 
turn to the city for the purpose of reestablishing tlie 
government there. He joined the President on the 
same day at Brookville, and he, accompanied by the 
secretary of state and attorney-general, set out im- 
mediately for Washington, where they arrived at five 
in the afternoon. The enemy's squadron was then 
battering Fort Washington, which was evacuated and 
blown up by the commander, on that evening, without 
the least resistance. The unprotected inhabitants of 



124 JAMES MONROE 

Alexandria in consternation capitulated, and those 
of Georgetown and the city were preparing to follow 
the example. Such was the state of affairs when the 
President entered the city on the evening of the 27th. 
There was no force organized for its defense. The 
secretary of war was at Fredericktown, and General 
Winder at Baltimore. The effect of the late disaster 
on the whole Union and the world was anticipated. 
Prompt measures were indispensable. Under these 
circumstances, the President requested Mr. Monroe 
to take charge of the Department of War, and com- 
mand of the District ad interim, with which he imme- 
diately complied. On the 28th in the morning, the 
President, with Mr. Monroe and the attorney-general, 
visited the navy yard, the arsenal at Greenleaf's 
Point, and passing along the shore of the Potomac, 
up towards Georgetown, Mr. Monroe, as secretary 
of war and military commander, adopted measures, 
under sanction of the President, for the defense of 
the city and of Georgetown. As they passed near 
the capital he was informed that the citizens of 
Washington were preparing to send a deputation to 
the British commander for the purpose of capitu- 
lating. 

*' He forbade the measure. It was then remarked 
that the situation of the inhabitants was deplorable ; 
there being no force prepared for their defense, their 
houses might be burnt down. Mr. Monroe then ob- 
served that he had been charged by the President 
with authority to take measures for the defense of 
the city, and that it should be defended • that if any 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 125 

de])utation moved towards the enemy it should be re- 
pelled by the bayonet. He took immediate measures 
for mounting a battery at Greenleaf 's Point, another 
near the bridge, a third at the windmill ])oint, and 
sent an order to Colonel Winder, who was in charge 
of some cannon, on the opposite shore above the ferry 
landing, to move three of the pieces to the lower end 
of Mason's Island, and the others some distance 
below that point on the Virginia shore, to cooperate 
with the batteries on the Maryland side. Colonel 
Winder refused to obey the order, on which Mr. 
Monroe passed the river, and riding to the colonel 
gave the order in person. The colonel replied that 
he did not know Mr. Monroe as secretary of war or 
commanding general. Mr. Monroe then stated that 
he acted under the authority of the President, and 
that he must either obey the order or leave the field. 
The colonel preferred the latter." ^ 

The following letter from William Robinson, 
a political opponent of Monroe, was written in 
1823, to counteract certain disparaging reports 
which were abroad in reference to the defense 
at Washington ; ^ — 

" I have it in perfect recollection that on the morn- 
ing of the 27th August I met with Colonel Monroe 
at Snell's bridge on the route to Baltimore. The 
army was in march from Montgomery Court House, 
where it had reassembled after the battle of Bladens- 
burg ; much confusion prevailed in consequence of 

1 Monroe MSS. 2 Qouverneur MSS. 



i26 JAMES MONROE 

the recent defeat, and the disorganization and dis- 
persion of the officers of the government. Colonel 
Monroe expressed great anxiety for the immediate 
return of the President and higli officers of govern- 
ment to Washington city, with a view to the restora- 
tion of order and effective resistance of the enemy. 
He was pleased to intrust me with an open letter, or 
billet, to that effect, ordering my utmost dispatch in 
search of the President, whom I found at the village 
of Brookville, where he was soon found by the colo- 
nel, and both proceeded to Washington. I then pro- 
ceeded to Montgomery Court House, where I found 
Jones, the secretary of the navy, and delivered a 
summons for an immediate attendance at Washing- 
ton. General Armstrong had gone to Fredericktown 
in Maryland, and not considering my orders reached 
so far, I returned to Georgetown in the evening. 
The sentiment common in the army was so decidedly 
inimical to General Armstrong, that I feel assured 
that his person would have been endangered had he 
attempted to join us." 

Whatever may have been Monroe's course on 
the battle-field at Bladensburg, there can be no 
doubt that, when he assumed the duties of secre- 
tary of war, vigor was at once infused into all 
the military operations. Washington was de- 
fended ; Baltimore was rescued, and the national 
banner continued to wave over Fort McHenry; 
the dispatches sent to Jackson in the southwest 
had the ring of determination and authority. 



SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 127 

Monroe appears at this time in his best aspect, 
enthusiastic, determined, confident of the popu- 
lar support, daring. "Hasten your militia to 
New Orleans," he wrote in rousing dispatches to 
the governors near the seat of war in Louisiana ; 
" do not wait for this government to arm them ; 
put all the arms you can find into their hands ; 
let every man bring his rifle with him ; we shall 
see you paid." ^ 

Having thus indicated Monroe's relations to 
the war, it does not seem necessary to dwell on 
the innumerable details which pertain to that 
period. 

^ Schouler comes to the defense of Monroe. See hxs note. 
Hist, of U. ^. ii. pp. 409, and the text, p. 414, 459. 



CHAPTEK VI 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

Monroe held the office of president of the 
United States during two full terms, from 1817 
to 1825. it has already been stated that eight 
years previous to his first election he was se- 
riously considered as a candidate, when Madison 
received the nomination. He was nearly fifty- 
nine years old w^hen first called to the presi- 
dency, about the age at which Jefferson and Mad- 
ison attained the same position ; Washington 
became President a little younger, at fifty-seven, 
and John Adams a little older, at sixty-one. 

At his first election, Monroe received 183 
votes in the electoral college against 34 which 
were given for Kufus King, the candidate of the 
Federalists ; at his second election, but one elec- 
toral vote was given against him, and that was 
cast for John Quincy Adams. No one but 
Washington was ever reelected to the highest 
office in the land with so near an approach to 
unanimity. 

Daniel D. Tompkins was Vice-President dur- 
ing both presidential terms. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 129 

Let us now ask on whose counsel the new 
President could rely and whose opposition he 
must expect. Jefferson and Madison had never 
failed to be his friends, whatever slight estrange- 
ment may have arisen, and they were now in the 
mood of cordial cooperation. The old Federal- 
ists, no longer bound by party allegiance, had 
not forgotten their former animosities. The 
coldness of John Adams was not likely to be 
seriously modified, even though his son came 
into the cabinet. Jackson, already extremely 
popular, was ready to volunteer suggestions on 
the conduct of civil affairs. Henry Clay was a 
leader in the House of Representatives, where 
for several years (with an interruption) he had 
been the speaker. Richard Rush was conspicu- 
ous. Benton was soon to be prominent, but he 
was not yet a man of national mark, and his 
thirty years' reminiscences begin with 1820. 
Webster had been for two terms a member of 
the House, but was now determined to pursue a 
professional life, and was about to come forward 
as a constitutional lawyer in the Dartmouth Col- 
lege case. 

The cabinet, as finalty made up after various 
delays, included four men who remained in it 
during both presidential terms, — J. Q. Adams, 
J. C. Calhoun, W. H. Crawford, and W. Wirt, 
— respectively appointed secretary of state, sec* 



130 JAMES MONROE 

retary of war, secretary of the treasury, and 
attorney-general. The Post Office was first di- 
rected by R. J. Meigs, and then by J. McLean. 
The Navy Department remained for a time 
under Mr. Madison's secretary, Benjamin W. 
Crowninshield, but he was soon succeeded by 
Smith Thompson.^ In all political affairs, as 
distinguished from administrative duties, the 
four first named were undoubtedly the strong 
men. They were younger than Monroe : Adams 
at that time being fifty years old; Crawford, 
forty-four; Callioun, thirty-five; and Wirt, 
forty-five ; and they represented different ideas of 
public policy, as well as competing claims to the 
presidential succession. Their personal rivalries 
were not concealed. Adams, when he became 
secretary of state, was, perhaps, the most dis- 
tinguished American then actively engaged in 
public life. He took this office thoroughly 
trained for its responsibilities. He had been 
favored with a liberal academic education, and 
had participated to an unusual extent in the 
conduct of affairs. At the age of eleven he 
went with his father to Paris, when the latter 
was envoy to France. At fourteen, this " ma- 
ture youngster " (as Mr. Morse has called him) 
accompanied Mr. Dana to St. Petersburg, in 
the post of private secretary. Later on he was 

1 Thompson was followed by S. L. Southard. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 131 

successively minister to Holland, Prussia, Rus- 
sia, and England. He secured a treaty of am- 
ity between Prussia and the United States, was 
one of the commissioners who negotiated the 
treaty of Ghent, and was afterwards one of 
those who signed the commercial treaty with 
England. He was thus a jmrticipant in the di= 
plomatic questions evolved by two wars, — the 
Revolution and the war of 1812. Inheriting- 
strong intellectual qualities which have been 
conspicuous in his descendants, governed by ab- 
solute independence in the formation of his opin- 
ions, and sustained in the popular good-will by 
his unquestioned integrity and patriotism, he 
was the man of all who could be thought of to 
give wisdom, weight, and dignity to the cabinet 
of which he became the head. The most serious 
questions of Monroe's administration arose in 
the State Department, and it was fortunate that 
its affairs were guided by a statesman of such 
varied information and experience. The won- 
derful diary, which Adams, when a child, began 
at the instance of his father, is rich in its mem- 
oranda of this period, and the eulogy which he 
delivered on the death of Monroe remains to this 
day the best history of his political standing. 

Calhoun's career had been very different from 
that of Adams. He was called to the cabinet 
while comparatively a young man, fifteen years 



132 JAMES MONROE 

the junior of the secretary of state. His poli- 
tical experience had been restricted to that of a 
representative in Congress. From the time of 
his election to the House, he was felt to be a 
power. Important positions were assigned to 
him, and his words bore the weight of authority. 
But although the public lives of these two men 
were so different, and although they ultimately 
became representatives of bitter antagonisms, 
they were not unlike in some marked peculiari- 
ties. In early days both were surrounded by 
strong religious influences. Calhoun was born 
and bred under the rigid orthodoxy characteris- 
tic of the Irish Presbyterians, to whose faith both 
his father and his mother and their parents ad- 
hered. Adams, as his latest biographer tells 
us, remained through life " a complete and thor- 
ough Puritan, wonderfully little modified by 
times and circumstances." Both were graduated 
in New England colleges, one at Harvard, and 
the other at Yale. Both were independent 
thinkers, and true to their convictions, however 
unpopular. One became a leading opponent of 
the encroachments of slavery, the other a leader 
in nullification; but during the administration 
of Monroe, and long afterwards, Calhoun was 
quite as outspoken as Adams in his love for the 
Union. Both were loyal admirers of the Presi- 
dent into whose council they were called, and 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 133 

they remained on terms of intimacy with him as 
long as he lived. Both were honest, fearless, 
powerful, indej^jendent statesmen. After Mon- 
roe's retirement, one became President, the other 
Vice-President. Both remained in public ser- 
vice to the very close of life, Calhoun dying 
while senator, and Adams while a representa- 
tive. Both are credited by their biographers 
with that sagacity which points out in advance 
the dangers covered up by a political measure. 
Calhoun, says Von Hoist, " reads the future as 
if the book of fate were lying wide open before 
him." Adams, says Morse, '' discerned in pass- 
ing events ' the title-page to a great tragic vol- 
ume,' " and '' few men at that day read the 
future so clearly." 

Unlike the two ministers already named, 
Crawford was what has been termed ^' a self- 
made man." He was continued in charge of 
the Treasury Department, to which, after his 
return from the embassy to France and after a 
brief service as secretary of war, he had been 
called by Madison. In the congressional cau- 
cus which nominated Monroe, Crawford was 
the chief opposing candidate ; and a shrewd 
observer, who was a member of that body, has 
recorded his opinion that when Congress first 
assembled a majority of Republican members 
were for Crawford. But the nomination was 



134 JAMES MONROE 

postponed from time to time, and at length, 
through the influence of Madison or other 
causes, sixty-five votes were cast for Monroe 
and fifty-four for his opponent.^ Crawford, 
however, continued to be regarded as in the line 
of succession to the presidency, and received a 
part of the electoral vote in 1824. 

William Wirt was the choice of the Presi- 
dent for the office of attorney-general. His 
biographer, John P. Kennedy, in the vivid por- 
trait with which he begins the memoir, dwells 
on the Teutonic aspect of Wirt, not unlike to 
Goethe's. Born in Maryland, he was of Ger- 
man origin, his father having migrated to this 
country from Switzerland many years before 
the Revolution, and his mother being a German. 
Previously a prominent advocate in the courts 
of Virginia, he won a national reputation by 
the part he took in the prosecution of Aaron 
Burr. Having a limited education and a very 
moderate library to begin with, he had risen by 
his talents to a conspicuous rank as a lawyer 
and as a writer. He had recently completed his 
memoir of Patrick Henry. He came into office 
as the personal friend of Monroe, after it was 
decided that Richard Rush should go to Eng- 
land, and he was attracted to the attorney-gen- 

1 Many other details in respect to the nomination are given 
\a Hammond's Political History, 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 135 

eralshij) not so much on account of the political 
preferment as because of the professional stjind- 
ing which it gave him. Unlike Adams, Cal- 
houn, and Crawford, he did not aspire to the 
presidency. To William Pope's suggestions he 
replied, "I am already higher than I had any 
reason to exj^ect, and I should be light-headed 
indeed, because I have been placed on this 
knoll, where I feel safe, to asjoire at the moun- 
tain's piunacle in order to be blown to atoms. 
Therefore let this matter rest." And so it 
rested. Wirt remained in office twelve years, 
and although he did not confine his professional 
labors to the service of the government, he ex- 
alted the station which he held by an assiduous 
discharge of all his duties with ability, learning, 
and success. 

Among those who were thought of for the 
cabinet, Henry Clay, one of Monroe's support- 
ers for the presidency, was conspicuous. He de- 
clined the offer of an appointment as secretary 
of war, but his " friends did not conceal their 
disappointment that he was not invited to take 
the office of secretary of state ; nor did he dis- 
guise his dissatisfaction at the appointment of 
Mr. Adams ; " so writes Josiah Quincy. There 
are many subsequent indications of Clay's hos- 
tility to the administration. William Wirt, for 
example, in counseling with the President in ie» 



136 JAMES MONROE 

gard to certain allowances claimed for Clay's 
diplomatic services, where the usage of the gov- 
ernment was not clearly established, remarks a& 
follows : "I am aware of the delicacy which 
connects itself with this question considered per- 
sonally as it relates to you ; but it is a delicacy 
with a double aspect : if you reject the claim, 
Mr. Clay and his friends may impute it to hos- 
tility to him, on account of the political part 
which he has occasionally taken against you ; 
and, on the other hand, if you admit the claim 
and it shall be thought unjust, it may, and by 
some most probably will, be imputed to a dread 
of his further opposition and a wish to bribe 
him to silence. The best way will be to con- 
sider the question abstractly without any man- 
ner of reference to the character of the claimant, 
and this I shall endeavor to do." It is one of 
the curious incidents of political life, that at the 
close of Monroe's administration the vote of 
Clay's friends made Adams president, and Ad- 
ams made Clay his secretary of state. 

Jackson had formed a personal attachment 
to Monroe in 1815, and welcomed his accession 
to the presidency partly on this account, partly 
because he disliked Crawford. Several letters 
exchanged by Jackson and the President elect 
have long been familiar to the public. They 
indicate that he, as well as Clay and Shelby, 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 137 

declined the office of secretary of war. They 
also show that Jackson felt quite at liberty tc 
make confidential suggestions in respect to can- 
didates for the cabinet. For the War Depart- 
ment he urgently recommended Colonel W, H. 
Drayton, late of the army ; Shelby he opposed. 
The selection of Adams he regarded as the best 
that could be made for the Department of State. 
The letters of Monroe to Jackson at this junc- 
ture show the principles on which the former 
meant to select his chief advisers, and also the 
attitude which he proposed to hold in respect to 
the Federalists. In the formation of an admin- 
istration, he thought that the heads of depart- 
ments (there being four) should be taken from 
the four great sections of the Union, the East, 
the Middle, the South, and the West, unless 
great emergencies and transcendent talents 
should justify a departure from this plan ; and 
he intimated pointedly that in selecting candi- 
dates he should act foi the country, and not 
*'for the aggrandizement of any one." The 
Federalists he regarded as thoroughly routed, 
the great body of them having become Repub- 
licans. To preserve the Republican party and 
prevent the revival of the Federal, was to be 
his aim as a politician, for he did not regard the 
existence of parties as necessary to free govern- 
ments. Hence he favored moderation toward 



138 JAMES MONROE 

those who had acted with the Federal party, 
and even a generous policy. The embarrassing 
question was, how far to indulge that spirit in 
the outset. On the other hand, the course pursued 
by him when James Kent was proposed to him 
for the vacant position on the supreme bench 
does not show that he had entirely forgotten his 
animosity toward the Federalists. Wirt urged 
the appointment of Kent, and Calhoun concurred 
with him, but the President hesitated, and finally 
Smith Thompson received the nomination. 

The principal subjects which engrossed the 
attention of Monroe during his two terms of 
office were the defense of the Atlantic seaboard, 
the promotion of internal improvements, the 
Seminole war, the acquisition of Florida, the 
Missouri compromise, and the resistance to for- 
eign interference in American affairs, this last 
beins: formulated in that famous declaration 
which is known as the Monroe Doctrine. It may 
also be added that his administration began and 
ended with a sort of pageantry, which is always 
attractive to the masses as it moves over the 
scene, though not always approved in the cooler 
criticism of democratic second thoughts. The 
first of these demonstrations was a presidential 
tour, in two parts, to the north and to the south ; 
the second was a national reception of Lafayette, 
the country's guest. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 139 

With the present facilities in locomotion, 
presidential journeys are not unconnnon, and 
have rarely any political significance ; but in 
that generation it was a noteworthy event to 
see and hear the chief magistrate on his travels. 
There is little doubt that one of the principal 
objects of this journey was to conciliate the 
Federalists, whose opposition to this and £he 
preceding administration was strong ; but the 
primary and ostensible purpose was to examine 
the fortifications and harbors of the United 
States. For this reason the President was ac- 
companied by General Joseph G. Swift, chief 
engineer of the army, and not by the members 
of his cabinet. The choice of an escort was 
sagacious. Swift was a New Englander of New 
Englanders, the first graduate at West Point, 
and a friend of Eustis. late secretary of war, 
whom he had accompanied from Bostoi- to 
Washington in 1809, and " inducted into the 
mysteries of his new vocation." By his skill 
in protecting New York during the war he had 
gained the applause of a " benefactor to the 
city," and had received more substantial proofs 
of the gratitude of the people. He was there- 
fore a valuable companion in a professional as 
well as in a social aspect.^ 

1 See General G. W. Cullum's Campaigns and Engineers oi 
1812. 



140 JAMES MONROE 

Three months and a half were expended on 
the journey. The party visited the chief cities 
of the Atlantic seaboard as far as Portland, 
traversed New Hampshire, Vermont, and New 
York, went West as far as Detroit, and then 
•eturned to Washington by way of Zanesville, 
Pittsburgh, and Fredericktown. Everywhere 
there were receptions and speeches, dinners and 
assemblies, and the record of all these doings 
was compiled and published in a duodecimo vol- 
ume by an ardent admirer of the administration 
in Connecticut. The President's first address 
was at Baltimore on June 2, 1817. There he 
indicated, in the following language, his double 
aim to secure defense against external foes, and 
to seek the promotion of internal harmony. 

<' Congress has appropriated large sums of money 
for the fortification of our coast and inland frontier, 
and for the establishment of naval dock yards and 
building a navy. It is proper that these works should 
be executed with judgment, fidehty, and economy ; 
much depends in the execution on the Executive, to 
whom extensive power is given as to the general ar- 
rangement, and to whom the superintendence exclu- 
sively belongs. You do me justice in believing that 
it is to enable me to discharge these duties with the 
best advantage to my country that I have undertaken 
this tour. 

*' From the increased harmony of public opinion, 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 141 

founded on the successful career of a government 
which has never been equaled, and which promises, 
by a future development of its faculties, to augment 
in an eminent degree the blessings of this favored 
people, I unite with you in all the anticipations which 
/ou liave so justly suggested." 

A letter which was written by Crawford to 
Gallatin, after the close of the President's tour, 
is a good indication of the politician's view of 
the results of so great an expenditure of time 
and. force. ^ 

" The President's tour through the East has pro- 
duced something like a political jubilee. They were, 
in the land of steady habits, at least for the time, ' all 
Federalists, all Republicans.' If the bondmen and 
bondwomen w^ere not set free, and individual debts 
released, a general absolution of political sins seems 
to have been mutually agreed upon. Whether the 
parties will not relapse on the approach of their 
spring elections in Massachusetts can only be deter- 
mined by the event. 

" In this world there seems to be nothing free from 
alloy. Whilst the President is lauded for the good 
he has done in the East by having softened party 
as2)erity and by the apparent reconciliation which, for 
the moment, seems to have been effected between 
materials the most heterogeneous, the restless, the 
carping, the malevolent men in the Ancient Dominion 

1 October 27, 181T. 



142 JAMES MONROE 

are ready to denounce him for his apparent acquies- 
cence in the seeming man-worship with which he was 
venerated by the wise men of the East. 

" Seriously, I think the President has lost as much 
as he has gained by this tour, at least in popularity. 
In health, however, he seems to have been a great 
gainer." 

With these views of the critical Georgian may 
be placed in contrast the genial reflections of an 
admirer at the North. ^ 

^' For the political father of a great, a growing, and 
an intelligent peoj)le, freemen by birth, and resolved 
to he free, to witness such striking proofs of their 
fidelity and admiration, must have made a deep, a 
lasting impression upon his mind. He must be some- 
thino- qnore or less than man, who would view such a 
scene with apathy and indifference. A janizary of 
jhivkey may offer up hosannahs to the Sultan until 
the javelin which the Sultan wields ends his life and 
his plaudits at a stroke ; an eastern despot may be 
adored by his slaves, who mingle groans of distress 
with the accents of praise ; European princes may be 
followed by a famishing peasantry, whose huzzas 
are feeble from want of food ; but it is the happiness 
of the President of the United States to be thronged 
by an assemblage of happy freemen, acknowledging 
their gratitude to the only ' legitimate ' ruler of a 
great nation ; legitimate, because he derives his power 
from the voice of the people he governs." 

1 Waldo, p. 51. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 143 

The northern trip was followed by one to the 
Southern States in 1819. The President went 
as far south as Augusta, then through the Chero- 
kee region to Nashville, and afterwards to Louis- 
ville and Lexington. 

Before a year had passed there was a renewal 
of hostilities with the Seminole Indians. The 
war was brief and decisive, but the enmities 
which it excited among those who took part in 
conducting it lasted many years. This contro- 
versy, long dormant, burst forth with fury 
when Jackson was a candidate for a second 
presidential term. It is to his life that this 
story belongs, and the reader may readily find 
the particulars in the pages of Parton and Sum- 
ner. 

While Florida was still a Spanish domain^ 
Jackson was sent to Southern Georgia to put a 
stop to the Indian outrages. Before going he 
addressed a letter to Monroe (January 6, 1818) 
intimating that, in his opinion, a vigorous policy 
ought to be pursued. Amelia Island should be 
seized " at all hazards," and " simultaneously the 
whole of East Florida, to be held as an indem- 
nity for the outrages of Spain upon the property 
of our citizens." It is not clear whether he re- 
ceived an authoritative answer from the Presi- 
dent to this important programme, for there are 
discrepancies in the testimony not now explica- 



144 JAMES MONROE 

ble. But he acted as if he possessed the com. 
plete support of the authorities in Washington. 
He crossed the Florida line in pursuit of the 
fugitive red men ; he captured and garrisoned a 
fortress on Spanish territory ; he seized Pensa- 
3ola and captured the Barrancas ; and he ap- 
proved the summary execution of Ambrister and 
Arbuthnot, subjects of Gieat Britain, who were 
charged with exciting the Indians against the 
Americans. By all this he brought the United 
States to the verge of war with Spain, and like- 
wise offended England. War might have been 
produced, said Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Rush, 
" if the ministry had but held up a finger." 

When Jackson returned to the North it was 
a question how far he should be sustained by 
the administration. Adams wrote a diplomatic 
paper vindicating him, the House of Represen- 
tatives sustained him, and there was a general 
acquiescence in the course he had pursued. 
But long afterwards, in the spring of 1830, it 
became a matter of partir.an controversy to 
determine the attitude of Monroe and of the 
various members of his cabinet in respect to the 
inception and progress of this brief and spirited 
campaign. The recollections of Monroe, Cal- 
houn, Adams, Crawford, and others were ap- 
pealed to. The point of the controversy was, 
whether in January, 1818, Mr. Rhea, a member 



i' 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 143 

of Congress and a friend of Jackson's, had com- 
municated to the latter hy authority the wishes 
of Monroe in respect to the opening campaign. 
Monroe did not acknowledoe that he had "iven 
i,ny such authority ; elackson claimed that he 
lid give it ; but " the Rhea letter," said to have 
Deen written with Monroe's assent, was never 
produced. In the public correspondence just 
after the war, Monroe appears to deprecate the 
course which had been pursued by Jackson, 
though not to the extent of blaming him. "• In 
transcending the limit of your orders," he says, 
" you acted on your own responsibility, on facts 
and circumstances which were unknown to the 
government when the orders were given . . . 
and which you thought imposed on you the 
measure as an act of patriotism, essential to the 
honor and interests of your country." He also 
calls the general's attention to some parts of 
dispatches, '' written in haste and under the 
pressure of fatigue and infirmity, and in a spirit 
of conscious rectitude," which may make trouble, 
and he suggests their correction. " If you think 
proper to authorize the secretary or myself to 
correct those passages, it will be done with care, 
though should you have copies, as I presume you 
have, you had better do it yourself." A con- 
venient summary of these letters was printed for 
Calhoun in 1881, but copies of it are now scarcei 



m JAMES MONROE 

The endeavor of the United States to get 
possession of the Floridas by purchase reached 
a successful issue February 22, 1819, when a 
treaty was concluded at Washington through 
the negotiations of John Q. Adams, secretary 
of state, and Luis de Onis, the Spanish envoy. 
Notwithstanding opposition from Mr. Clay and 
others, the treaty was ratified unanimously by 
the Senate, and thus the control of the entire 
Atlantic and Gulf seaboard from the St. Croix 
to the Sabine was secured to this government. 

During most of Monroe's administration, 
Richard Rush was the American minister in 
London, and his relations were chiefly with 
Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning. Rush was 
careful in his diary and correspondence, and 
has published much that is interesting on the 
aspect of American affairs between 1818 and 
1825. The instructions under which he acted 
had the sanction of Madison, as well as of Mon- 
roe and Adams. The two subjects which he 
brought forward in one of his first interviews 
with the British minister were, an alleged viola- 
tion of the treaty of Ghent by the carrying off 
of slaves in English ships at the close of the 
war, and a neglect to carry out exactly the com- 
mercial convention of 1815. He afterwards 
told how the -news of Jackson's pursuit was 
received in the diplomatic circles of the Court 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 147 

of St. James. " We have had nothing of late 
so exciting : it smacks of war," said one of the 
plenipotentiaries. Subsequently the old subject 
of impressment, and the subject, ever old and 
ever new, of the Newfoundland fisheries, were 
matters of negotiation. 

The admission of Missouri to the Union was 
the theme of violent controversy from 1819 to 
1821, resulting in the famous Compromise, the 
repeal of which more than thirty years later 
again agitated the country. Here was the be- 
ginning of Ih it wandering in the wilderness 
for forty years which resulted in emancipation. 
The particular record of the debates, led by 
Rufus King upon one side and John Randolph 
upon the other, must be studied in the legislative 
rather than the administrative history of the 
times. The crisis in this debate occurred March 
1, 1820, when Congress agreed to abandon the 
idea of prohibiting slavery in Missouri and to 
insist upon its prohibition in the public territory 
north of the hue 36° 30'. This determined the 
admission of Missouri, though it did not close 
the discussion. It came up again in the follow- 
ing year and resulted in a second compromise. 
During the winter of 1819-20 the excitement in 
Washington was intense. " At our evening 
parties," says Mr. Adams, " we hear of no- 
thing but the Missouri question and Mr. King's 



148 JAMES MONROE 

speeches." He records also the conversation 
which he held with Calhoun, indicating in botli 
that prophetic sagacity to which reference has 
been made, and also their divergence on a funda- 
mental princijile which grew wider and wider as 
long as they lived. 

Writing under the date of February 15, 1820, 
a fortnight before the adoj^tion of the Compro- 
mise, Monroe in a private letter declared his con- 
viction that " the majority of States, of physical 
force, and eventually of votes in both houses, 
would be on the side of the non-slave-holding 
States." He thought it probable that they 
would succeed in their purpose or the Union be 
dissolved. " I consider this," he continued, " as 
an atrocious attempt in certain leaders to grasp 
at power, and being very artfully laid is more 
likely to succeed than any effort having the 
same object in view ever made before." 

The latter portion of this letter is as fol- 
lows : ^ — 

"As to the part which I may act, in all circum* 
stances in which I may be placed, I have not made 
up my mind, nor shall I until the period arrive 
when it will be my duty to act, and then I shall weigl 
well the injunctions of the Constitution, which, when 
clear and distinct to my mind, will be conclusive 
with me. The next consideration will be a fixed and 

1 February 15, 1820. 



II 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 149 

an unalterable attachment to the Union ; my decided 
o})inion is, that all States com})osing our Union, new 
as well as old, must have equal rights, ceding to the 
general government an equal share of power, and 
retaining to themselves the like ; that they cannot be 
incorporated into the Union on different principles or 
conditions. AVhether the same restraint exists on the 
power of the general government, as to Territories, 
in their incipient and territorial state, is a question 
on which my mind is clearly decided. By the Con- 
stitution, Congress has power to dispose of and make 
all needful rules and regulations resj)ecting the terri- 
tory and other property belonging to the United 
States, with a provision that nothing in this Constitu- 
tion should be so construed as to prejudice any claims 
of tlie United States, or of any j)articular State. This 
provision is the only check on the power of Congress, 
and (referring only to the old controversy between 
the United States and individual States respecting 
vacant lands within their charter of limits, whose 
relative claims it was intended to preserve) has no 
operation, as I presume, on the present case. The 
power itself applies to the territory ceded by individ- 
ual States to the United States, and to none other. 
In such portions of the territory so ceded as are 
altogether uninhabited, the people who move there, 
under any ordinance of Congress, have no rights in 
the territorial state except such as they may acquire 
under the ordinance. The question, therefore, cannot 
occur in regard to them. If there is any restraint, 
then, on this power in Congress, it must be found in 



150 JAMES MONROE 

other parts of the Constitution. Slavery is recognized 
by the Constitution as five to three ; but is not the 
right thus recognized that only of the States in which 
the slaves are, as the measure or rate of representation 
in the House of Representatives and for direct taxes ? 
Is it not a right to the slaves themselves, not as I 
presume to their owners, out of the State in which 
they are ? By another clause it is provided that if 
slaves run away they may be pursued, demanded, 
and brought back ; this is a right of the slave-holding 
States, and of the owners of slaves living in them, 
and would apply to slaves running into Territories as 
well as into States. As slavery is recognized by the 
Constitution it is evidently unjust to restrain the 
owner from carrying his slave into a Territory and 
retaining his right to him there, but whether the 
power to do this has not been granted is the point on 
which I have doubts, and on which I shall be glad to 
receive your opinion. If I can be satisfied that the 
Constitution forbids restraint, I shall, of course, obey 
it in all cases. 

" Should a bill pass admitting Missouri, subject 
to such restraint, I should have no difficulty in the 
course to be pursued, nor should I in any future case 
respecting the admission of any other State. Arkan- 
sas, being organized without restriction, and people 
having moved there, as is understood, stands on the 
most favorable ground, on constitutional principles, 
in the view stated above. 

" Considerations of injustice and impolicy also merit 
much attention, and will have their weight with me. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 151 

I do not think, supposing the constitutional right to 
exist, that Congress ought to confine the slaves within 
such narrow limits, even of territories, as might tend 
to make them a burden on the old States. How far 
I may go on this principle will merit great considera- 
tion. If the right to impose the restraint exists, and 
Congress should pass a law for it, to reject it, as to 
the whole of the unsettled territory, might, with ex- 
isting impressions in other questions, affect our sys- 
tem. This I should look to with a just sensibility to 
the 2)art likely to be injured." 

Mr. Adams, in recording his impressions of 
the entire discussion, thus defines his own posi- 
tion : — 

" I have favored this Missouri compromise, believ- 
ing it to be all that could be effected under the pre- 
sent Constitution, and from extreme unwillingness 
to put the Union at hazard. But perhaps it would 
have been a wiser and bolder course to have persisted 
in the restriction on Missouri, until it should have 
terminated in a convention of the States to revise and 
amend tlie Constitution. This would have produced 
a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States un2>olluted 
with slavery, with a great and glorious object — that 
of rallying to their standard the other States by the 
universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union 
must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question 
upon which it ought to break. For the present, how* 
ever, this contest is laid asleep." 

The promotion of internal improvements and 



152 JAMES MONROE 

the defense of the seaboard had naturally come 
to the front as important questions during 
the momentous events of Madison's adminis- 
tration. Monroe took up these matters in ear- 
nest when the chief responsibility of guiding 
the national policy devolved upon him, but it 
was not until 1822 that he felt called upon 
to announce his views in an elaborate paper. 
He vetoed the Cumberland Road bill on May 4, 
and he simultaneously submitted to Congress 
an exposition of his views. His long state- 
ment concludes with the assertion that Con- 
gress has not the right under the Constitution 
to adopt and execute a system of internal im- 
provements, but that such a power, if it could 
be secured by a constitutional amendment, 
would have the happiest effect on all the great 
interests of the Union ; though, in his opinion, 
it should be confined to great national works, 
leaving to the separate States all minor im- 
provements. 

Near the close of Monroe's presidency, La- 
fayette made his celebrated visit to the United 
States as " the nation's guest." These two men 
had been friends from the days when they were 
both in the Revolutionary army. When La- 
fayette was a prisoner in Olniiitz and Monroe 
was American minister in France, efforts were 
made by the latter to secure the former's re* 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 153 

lease. Several letters are before me ^ which 
relate to the negotiations. Funds were sent by 
Washington to Monroe for the benefit of Ma- 
dame Lafayette. As the United States had no 
minister near the Austrian court, the media- 
tion of the Danish government was solicited by 
Monroe. Carefully covered references to " the 
friend in question " were addressed by Monroe 
to Mr. Masson, aide-de-camjD of Lafayette. But 
the details of this story belong elsewhere. They 
are here alluded to because they indicate the 
recollections shared by these two patriots when 
they met more than a quarter of a century after- 
wards, and Monroe, as President and as friend, 
welcomed Lafayette to the hospitality of the 
United States. 

On May 10, 1824, the French Marquis, " with 
feelings of respectful, affectionate, and patriotic 
gratitude," accepted the invitation of Congress, 
and promised to visit " the beloved land " of 
which it had been his " happy lot to become an 
early soldier and an adopted son." Early in 
October, after his landing in this country, the 
members of Monroe's cabinet were in doubt as 
to the etiquette which should be observed at the 
recejDtion of this illustrious visitor in Washing- 
ton, and also as to the attitude which the ad- 
ministration should take during the progress of 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



i54 JAMES MONROE 

his journey. Calhoun, the secretary of war, 
addressed a letter of eight pages to Mr. Monroe 
on this matter, saying that it seemed *' hazard- 
:)us on the one side to connect the government 
coo much with the movements in favor of the 
general, and on the other not to seem to sym- 
pathize with the popular feelings. Of the two, 
however, the latter is the most hazardous, and 
in a doubtful case we ought to err on the right 
side." A few days later Monroe answered 
some inquiries from Lafayette respecting his 
route, and added that his arrival " has given 
rise to a great political movement which has so 
far taken the direction and had the effect among 
us, and I presume in Europe, which the best 
friends to you and to sound principles could 
desire. It is of great importance that it should 
terminate in like manner." The letters from 
the visitor to his host are most familiar. In 
one of them he says, '' I feel, my dear sir, the 
impropriety to address the President of the 
United States on a half sheet of paper, but am 
pressed by time, and the knowledge of the sin 
will remain between you and me." His closing 
salutations are varied and glowing, one of the 
most characteristic being, " from your old, affec- 
tionate, obliged brother-soldier and friend." 
From " on board the Pottowmack steam boat," 
February 24, 1825, he sends to Monroe "the 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 155 

commentary on Montesquieu, by my friend 
Tracy, George's father-in-law," wliicli may be 
of use to one who " contemplates writing a 
political exposition." " It has been translated 
under the patronage of Mr. Jefferson, who con- 
siders it the best publication of the kind. 
You will, I believe, find it the most advanced 
theoretical point of the science, although the 
practice in every detail be still superior to 
theories." ^ 

After Lafayette's return to France his letters 
to Monroe were marked by the same confidence 
and affection, and they show that in private life 
he was as charming as in public he was popular. 
Two passages will be quoted. In the first he 
speaks as follows of the American visitors in- 
troduced to him at Las-ran s^e : — 



^&'^"'"0' 



•* I am afraid, dear friend, you continue to be un- 
easy at the number of American visits we are wont 
to receive. Be assured nothing can be more pleasing 
to me, and to us all; it is even necessary. You know 
my American education, feelings, habits, prejudices. 
. . . Doomed as I am to live on a side of the Atlan 
tic where, to be sure, I am bound by family, friendly 
patriotic affections and duties, but in other respects 
less congenial to my youtliful avocations and repub- 
lican nature, I ever have felt something peculiar and 
sympathetic in American communications, a dispo" 

1 Gouveraeur MSS. 



156 JAMES MONROE 

sition which, of course, has been strengthened In my 
last visit, when in every man, woman, and child of a 
population of twelve millions, I have found a loving, 
indeed an enthusiastic friend. You may conceive 
what, in addition to my attachments and remem- 
brances of more than fifty years, must now be to 
me the United States and every sort of communion 
with their citizens. The visits we receive are not by 
far so numerous as I would like them, and the feeling 
is so unanimous in the family that young American 
strangers, as they arrive, are received by our girls 
with more confidence and familiarity than they would 
be disposed to show to most of their older acquaint- 
ances, because there is something like family under- 
standing between them ; and so I have the delight to 
see that when American friends find themselves here 
in sight of American colors, American busts and por- 
traits, American manners, and American welcome, 
they look as feeling they are at home. Let me add 
that the sentiments, behavior, delicacy of all the 
young men from the United States are exemplary 
to a degree which, to the older part of their fellow- 
citizens, is an object of inexpressible and proud grati- 
fication." ^ 

In the second extract, the reader may see 
with what extreme delicacy Lafayette offers 
pecuniary assistance to one who had brought 
assistance to the Olmiitz prisoner three decades 
before. 

^ Geuverneur MSS. 



PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 157 

" In the meanwhile, my dear Monroe, permit your 
earliest, your best, and your most obliged friend to be 
plain with you. It is probable that to give you time 
and facilities for your arrangements, a mortgage 
mio-ht be of some use. 

" The sale of one half of my Florida property is 
iuU enough to meet my family settlements and the 
wishes of my neighbors- There may be occasion for 
a small retrocession of acres, in case of some claims 
on the disposed-of Louisiana lands, an object as yet 
uncertain, at all events inconsiderable, so that there 
will remain ample security for a large loan, for I un- 
derstand the lands are very valuable, and will be 
more so, to a great extent, after the disposal of a part 
of them. You remember that in similar embarrass- 
ment I have formerly accepted your intervention ; it 
gives me a right to reciprocity. Our friend, Mr. 
Graham, has my full powers. Be pleased to peruse 
the inclosed letter, seal it, and put it in the post- 
office. I durst not send it before I had obtained 
your approbation, yet should it be denied, I would 
feel much mortified. I hope, I know, you are too 
much my friend not to accept what, in a similar case, 
I would not an instant hesitate to ask." ^ 

When Monroe's second term was almost 
ended the rivalries for the succession became 
very apparent. Adams, Crawford, and Cal- 
homi in his cabinet. Clay and Jackson outside 

1 Gouverneur MSS. I do not know whether Monroe availed 
himself of this generous offer, but I presume that he did not. 



158 JAMES MONROE 

of it, were all recognized candidates. Monroe 
remained neutral in the contest. The biogra^ 
pher of William Wirt/ with ample materials at 
his command for forming a judgment, says : — 

" During the pendency of this contest, Mr. Mon- 
roe observed a most scrupulous resolve against all 
interference with the freest expression of the public 
sentiment in regard to the candidates. In this he 
was fully seconded and sustained by his cabinet, by 
none more than by those whose names were in the 
lists for suffrage. For, at that time, it was not cotv- 
sidered decorous in the Executive to make itself a 
partisan in a presidential or any other election. 
Indeed, there was a most wholesome fastidiousness 
exhibited on this point, which would have interpreted 
the attempt of a cabinet officer, or any other func- 
tionary of the government, to influence the popular 
vote by speech, by writing, by favor, fear, or affec- 
tion, as a great political misdemeanor worthy of 
sharpest rebuke. These were opinions of that day 
derived from an elder age. They are obsolete opin- 
ions now." 

^ Hon. J. P. Kennedy, in his Life of Wirt, ii. 168. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE MONEOE DOCTRINE 

There is an important subject, pertaining 
to Monroe's administration, which has been re- 
served for a special chapter. The one event of 
his presidency which is indissolubly associated 
with his name, is an announcement of the policy 
of the United States in respect to foreign inter- 
ference in the affairs of this continent. The 
declaration bears the name of the "" Monroe 
Doctrine." As such it is discussed in works on 
public law and in general histories. It is com- 
monly regarded as an epitome of the principles 
of the United States with respect to the devel- 
opment of American States. 

Everything which illustrates the genesis of 
such an important enunciation is of interest, but 
very little has come under my eye to illustrate 
the workings of Monroe's mind, or to show how 
it came to pass that he uttered in such terse sen- 
tences the general opinion of his countrymen. 
As a rule, he was not very skillful with his pen ; 
his remarks on public affairs are not often 
quoted, like those of Jefferson, Madison, and 



160 JAMES MONROE 

others of liis contemporaries ; there was nothing 
racy or severe in his style ; nevertheless, he 
alone of all the Presidents has announced, with- 
out legislative sanction, a political dictum, which 
is still regarded as fundamental law, and bears 
with it the stamp of authority in foreign courts 
as well as in domestic councils. 

We must turn to the annual message of De- 
cember 2, 1823, for the text. The two passages 
which relate to foreign interference are quite 
distinct from one another, and are separated by 
the introduction of other matter. This is the 
language : — 



"At the proposal of the Russian imperial govern- 
ment, made through the minister of the emperor 
residing here, a full power and instructions have 
been transmitted to the minister of the United States 
at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotia- 
tion, the respective rights and interests of the two 
nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A 
similar proposal has been made by liis imperial ma- 
jesty to the government of Great Britain, which has 
likewise been acceded to. The government of the 
United States has been desirous, by this friendly 
proceeding, of manifesting the great value which 
they have invariably attached to the friendship of 
the emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the 
best understanding with his government. In the 



THE MONROE DOCTKINE 161 

discussions to which this interest has given rise and 
in the arrangements by which they may terminate, 
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as 
a principle in which the i-ights and interests of the 
United States are involved, that the American conti- 
nents, by the free and independent condition which 
they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not 
to be considered as subjects for future colonization 
by any European powers." 

II 

" It was stated at the commencement of the last 
session that a great effort was then making in Spain 
and Portugal to improve the condition of the peo- 
ple of those countries, and that it appeared to be 
conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need 
scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far 
very different from what was then anticipated. Of 
events in that quarter of the globe, with which we 
have so much intercourse and from which we derive 
our origin, we have always been anxious and inter- 
ested spectators. The citizens of the United States 
cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the 
liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that 
side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European 
powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have 
never taken any. part, nor does it comport with our 
policy so to do. It is only when our rights are in- 
vaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries 
or make preparation for our defense. With the 
movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, 



162 JAMES MONROE 

more immefliately connected and by causes whicli 
must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial ob- 
servers. Tho political system of the allied ])owers 
is essentially different in this respect from that of 
America. This difference proceeds from that which 
exists in their respective governments. And to the 
defense of onr own, which has been achieved by the 
loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by 
the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and 
under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, 
this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, 
to candor and to the amicable relations existing be- 
tween the United States and those powers, to declare 
that ive should consider any attempt on their part to 
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere 
as dangerous to cnir peace and safety. With the 
existing colonies or dependencies of any European 
power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. 
But with the governments who have declared thf'ir 
independence and maintained it, and whose inde- 
pendence we have, on great consideration and on 
just ])iinciples, acknowledged, we could not view any 
inteiposition for the purpose of oi)pressn^.g them, or 
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any 
Euro])ean power, in any other light than as the 
manifestation of an imfrlendly disposition toward 
the United States. In the war between those new 
governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at 
the time of their recognition, and to this we have 
adhered and shall continue to adhere, provided no 
change shall occur which, in the judgment of IJbe 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 163 

competent authorities of this government, shall make 
a corresjjoncling change on the part of the United 
States indisjDensable to their security. 

" The late events in Spain and Portugal show that 
Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no 
"Stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied 
powers should have thought it proper, on a principle 
satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force 
in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent 
such interposition may be carried on the same prin- 
ciple, is a question to which all independent powers, 
whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; 
even tliose most remote, and surely none more so 
than the United States. Our policy in regard to 
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the 
wars which have so long agitated tliat quarter of the 
globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not 
to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its 
powers; to consider the government de facto as the 
legitimate government for us ; to cultivate friendly 
relations witli it, and to jDreserve those relations by a 
frank, firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all in- 
stances, the just claims of every power; submitting tc 
injuries from none. But in regard to these conti- 
nents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously 
different. It is impossible that the allied power.'! 
should extend their political system to any portion of 
either continent without endangering our peace and 
happiness ; nor can any one believe that our southern 
brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their 
own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that 



164 JAMES MONROE 

we should behold such interposition, in any form, 
with indifference. If we look to the comparative 
strength and resources of Sjiain and those new gov- 
ernments, and their distance from each other, it must 
be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is 
still the true policy of the United States to leave the 
parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers 
will pursue the same course." 

It appears to me probable that Monroe had 
but little conception of the lasting effect which 
his words would produce. He spoke what he 
believed and what he knew that others believed ; 
he spoke under provocation, and aware that his 
views might be controverted ; he spoke with 
authority after consultation with his cabinet, 
and his words were timely ; but I do not supjiose 
that he regarded this announcement as his own. 
Indeed, if it had been his own decree or ukase 
it would have been resented at home quite as 
vigorously as it would have been opposed abroad. 
It was because he pronounced not only the 
opinion then prevalent, but a tradition of other 
days which had been gradually expanded, and 
to which the country was wonted, that his 
words carried with them the sanction of public 
law. 

A careful examination of the writings of the 
earlier statesmen of the republic will illustrate 
the growth of the Monroe Doctrine as an idea 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 165 

dimly entertained at first, but steadily developed 
by the course of public events and by the re. 
flection of men in public life. I have not 
made a tliorough search, but some indications 
of the mode in which the doctrine was evolved 
have come under my eye which may here- 
after be added to by a more persistent investi- 
gator. 

The idea of independence from foreign sover- 
eignty was at the beginning of our national life. 
The term ''continental," applied to the army, 
the congress, the currency, had made familiar 
the notion of continental independence. This 
kept in mind the notion of a continental domain, 
— not provincial, nor colonial, nor merely na- 
tional. Moreover, in the writings, both public 
and private, of the fathers of the republic, we 
see how clearly they recognized the value of 
separation from European politics, and of repel- 
ling, as far as possible, European interference 
with American interests. 

1. Governor Thomas Pownall, in a work en- 
titled " A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Eu- 
rope," observed, in 1780, that a people, " whose 
empire stands singly predominant on a great 
continent," can hardly " suffer in their borders 
such a monopoly as the European Hudson Bay 
Comj^any ; " and again, " America must avoid 
complication with European politics," and " the 



166 JAMES MONROE 

entanglement of alliances, having no connections 
with Europe other than commercial." ^ 

2. One of the earliest of like allusions hap 
pens to be in a letter of Monroe to Madison, 
December 6, 1784, when he says that " the con» 
duct of Spain respecting the Mississippi, etc., 
requires the immediate attention of Congress." 

3. A few months later, June 17, 1785, Jeffer- 
son, writing to Monroe from Paris, begs him to 
add his "testimony to that of every thinking 
American, in order to satisfy our countrymen 
how much it is their interest to preserve, unin- 
fected hy contagion^ those peculiarities in their 
government and manners to which they are in- 
debted for those blessings." 

4. Washington wrote to Jefferson, January 
1, 1788, in the interval which preceded the rati- 
fication of the Constitution : ^ " An energetic 
general government must prevent the several 
States from involving themselves in the political 
disputes of the European powers." 

5. When Washington's first term drew near 
its close he submitted to Madison the draft of 
a farewell address (May 20, 1792), and in it 
he gives emphasis to the independence of the 

1 These citations from Pownall are taken from Sumner's 

"Prophetic Voices concerning America^ pp. 123, 124. 

2 Quoted by Bancroft from MS., History of the Constitution^ 
t 299. 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 167 

United States, in a phrase which with various 
turns was perj^etuated through the subsequent 
revisions of that paper. His original language 
was this : " The extent of our country, the di- 
versity of our climate and soil, and the various 
productions of the States consequent to both, 
. . . may render the whole, at no distant pe- 
riod, one of the most independent nations in the 
Viorld.^'' 

6. Madison's modification of this draft has 
the following sentence (June 20, 1792) : " The 
diversities [of this country] may give to the 
s'hole a more entire independence than has, per- 
haps, fallen to the lot of any other nation." 

7. Four years later (prior to May 10, 1796), 
Washington submits to Hamilton memoranda 
for a farewell address, and says again : " If 
this country can remain in peace twenty years 
longer . . . such in all probability will be its 
population, riches, and resources, when com- 
bined with its peculiarly happy and remote 
situation from the other quarters of the globe, 
as to hid defiance in a just cause to any earthly 
'power whatsoever^ 

8. The address, finally issued, says : " The 
great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign 
nations is, in extending our commercial rela- 
tions, to have with them as little political con- 
nection as possible." " Europe has a set of 



168 JAMES MONROE 

primary interests which to us have none or a 
very remote relation." '•• Our detached and dis- 
tant situation." "" Why forego the advantages 
of so peculiar a situation ? " (September 17, 
1796.) 

9. John Adams speaks thus in his first in- 
augural address (March 4, 1797): "If [the 
control of an election] can be obtained by for- 
eign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or 
violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the 
government may not be the choice of the Amer- 
ican people but of foreign nations. It may he, 
foreign nations who govern us, and not we the 
people who govern ourselves." 

10. In the second annual address of Adams 
this paragraph occurs (December 8, 1798) : — 

" To the usual subjects of gratitude I cannot omit 
to add one of the first importance to our well-being 
and safety — I mean that spirit which has arisen in 
our country against the menaces and aggressions of 
a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, 
dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if 
encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the 
government, will enable us to view undismayed the 
enterprises of any foreign power, and become the sure 
foundation of national prosperity and glory." 

11. There are three extracts from Jefferson's 
writings which show the tendency of his mind 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 169 

at the beginning of the century. He said to 
Thomas Paine (March 18, 1801) : i — 

" Determined as we are to avoid, If possible, wast- 
ing the energies of our people in war and destruction^ 
we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers 
of Europe, even in sujjport of principles which we 
mean to pursue. They have so many other interests 
different from ours, that we must avoid being entan- 
gled in them. We believe we can enforce those prin- 
ciples, as to ourselves, by peaceable means, now that 
we are likely to have our public councils detached 
from foreign views." 

A little later he wrote to William Short (Oc" 
toberS, 1801) :2_ 

" We have a perfect horror at everything like con- 
necting ourselves with the politics of Europe. It 
would indeed be advantageous to us to have neutral 
rights established on a broad ground ; but no de- 
pendence can be placed in any European coalition 
for that. They have so many other by-interests of 
greater weight that some one or other will always 
be bought off. To be entangled with them would be 
a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in 
the false principles which have prevailed." 

Again he says (October 29, 1808): ^'We 
consider their interests and ours as the same, 

1 JefPerson's Works, iv, 370. 

2 Works, iv. 414. 



170 JAMES MONROE 

and that tlie object of both must be to exclude 
all European influence in this hemisphere." ^ 

12. At a cabinet meeting, May 13, 1818, Pre- 
sident Monroe propounded several questions on 
the subject of foreign affairs, of which the 
fifth, as recorded by J. Q. Adams,^ was this : 
" Whether the ministers of the United States 
in Europe shall be instructed that the United 
States will not join in any project of interposi- 
tion between Spain and the South Americans, 
which should not be to promote the complete 
independence of those provinces ; and whether 
measures shall be taken to ascertain if this be 
the policy of the British government, and if so 
to establish a concert with them for the support 
of this policy." He adds that all these points 
were discussed, without much difference of 
opinion. 

13. On July 31, 1818, Rush had an impor- 
tant interview with Castlereagh in respect to a 
proposed mediation of Great Britain between 
Spain and her colonies. The cooperation of 
the United States was desired. Mr. Rush in- 
formed the British minister that " the United 

^ This quotation is made by Schoiiler in a note, where he 
says : " The germ of the Monroe Doctrine of later development 
is early seen in Jefferson's correspondence in view of the Span- 
ish uprising- against Bonaparte and its possible effects upon 
Cuba and Mexico, which he is well satisfied to leave in their 
present dependence." — History of the United States, ii. 202. 

2 Diary ^ iv. 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 171 

States would decline taking part, if they took 
part at all, in any plan of pacification, except 
on the basis of the indeijendence of the colonies. 
This," he added, "was the determination to 
which his government had come on much delih' 
eratio7i.^^ 

14. August 4, 1820, Jefferson writes to Wil- 
Ham Short : ^ — 

" From many conversations with him [M. Correa, 
appointed minister to Brazil by the government of 
Portugal], I hope he sees, and will promote in his 
new situation, the advantages of a cordial fraterniza- 
tion among all the American nations, and the im- 
portance of their coalescing in an Airierican system 
of policy, totally independent of and unconnected 
with that of Europe. The day is not distant when 
we may formally require a meridian of partition 
through the ocean which separates the two hemi- 
spheres, on the hither side of tvhich no Europ)ean 
gun shall ever he heard, nor an American on the 
other ; and when, during the rage of the eternal wars 
of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our regions, 
shall lie down together in peace. . . . The principles 
of society there and here, then, are radically different, 
and T hope no American patriot will ever lose sigh 
of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and 
territories of both Americas, the ferocious and san- 
guinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coa- 
lition begun." 

1 Randall's Jeferson, iii. 472. 



172 JAMES MONROE 

15. Gallatin writes to J. Q. Adams, June 24, 
1823, that before leaving Paris he had said to 
M. Chateaubriand on May 13 : " The United 
States would undoubtedly j^reserve their neu- 
trality provided it were respected, and avoid 
Qvery interference with the politics of Europe. 
. » . On the other hand, they would not suffer 
others to interfere against the emancipation of 
America." ^ 

A year previously, April 26, 1822, he had 
written from Paris that he had said to Mon- 
sieur : " America, having acquired the power, 
had determined to be no longer governed by 
Europe, . . . that we had done it [recognized 
the independence of the Spanish-American pro- 
vinces] without any reference to the form of 
government adopted by the several provinces, 
and that the question, being one of national in- 
dependence, was really altogether unconnected 
with any of those respecting internal institutions 
which agitated Europe." 

16. John Quincy Adams, in his diary under 
date of July 17, 1823, makes a note which the 
editor of that work regards as " the first hint of 
the policy so well known afterwards as the Mon- 
roe Doctrine." ^ In a conversation with Baron 
Tuyl, the Russian minister, on the Northwest 

1 Writings of Gallatin, by Adams, ii. 271 ; ii. 240. 

2 Diary, vi. 163. 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 173 

Coast question, Mr. Adams, then secretary of 
state, told him that/' we should contest the right 
of Kussia to any territorial establishment on this 
continent, and that we should assume distinctly 
;he princij^le that the American continents are 
no longer subjects for any new European colo- 
nial establishments." 

17. After Canning had j^roposed to Rush 
(September 19, 1823) that the United States 
should cooperate with England in preventing 
European interference with the Spanish-Amer- 
ican colonies, Monroe consulted Jefferson as 
well as the cabinet, on the course which it was 
advisable to take, and with their approbation 
prepared his message. Jefferson's reply to the 
President (October 24, 1823) was as fol- 
lows : ^ — 

"^ The question presented by the letters yon have 
sent me is the most momentous which lias ever been 
offered to my contemplation since that of independ- 
ence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass 
and points tlie course which we are to steer through 
the ocean of time opening on us. And never could 
we embark on it under circumstances more auspi- 
cious. Our first and fundar^iental maxim should be, 
never to entangle ourselves vn the broils of EiLTope. 
Our second^ never to suffer Europe to inte7'meddle 
with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North an(' Soui-h, 

, 1 Randall, iii. 491. 



174 JAMES MONROE 

has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, 
and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have 
a system of her own, separate and apart from that o 
Europe. While the last is laboring to become th> 
domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, 
to make our hemisphere that of freedom." 

An extract, dated 1824, and recently pub- 
lished, from the diary of William Plumer, who 
was a member of Congress during Monroe's ad- 
ministration, gives to John Quincy Adams the 
credit of drafting the important portions of the 
message. He says that a day or two before 
Congress met Monroe was hesitating about the 
allusion to the interference of the Holy Al- 
liance with Spanish America, and consulted the 
secretary of state about omitting it. Adams 
remained firm, replying, " You have my senti- 
ments on the subject already, and I see no reason 
to alter them." " Well," said the President, 
" it is written, and I will not change it now." ^ 

Enough has been quoted to show that Mr. 
Sumner 2 is not justified in saying that the 
"Monroe Doctrine proceeded from Canning," 
and that he was " its inventor, promoter, anj 
champion, at least so far as it bears against 
European intervention in American affairs." 

1 Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. vi 
No. 8, p. 358. 

2 See his Prophetic Voices, pp. 157-160. 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 175 

Nevertheless, Canning is entitled to high praise 
for the part which he took in the recognition of 
the Spanish republics, a part which almost justi- 
fied his proud utterance, "I called the New 
World into existence to redress the balance of 
the Old." 

If memoranda of Monroe's upon this subject 
are still extant they have eluded me. There is 
a letter to him from one of his family (Decem- 
ber 6) praising the message, and adding these 
sentences, which show the expectations of the 
friends of the administration. ^ 

" You have a full indemnification for all the time 
and attention it may have cost you, in the sentiment 
which has accompanied it throughout the nation, and 
I mistake greatly if it do not excite a feeling in 
Europe as honorable to our country as it may be 
unacceptable to many there. You will have the 
merit of proposing an enlightened system of policy, 
which promises to secure the united liberties of the 
New World, and to counteract the deep laid schemes 
in the Old for the establishment of an universal 
despotism. The sentiments and feelings which the 
message expresses, you may be assured, will be echoed 
with pride and pleasure from every portion of our 
widely extended country, and will be esteemed to 
have given to our national character new claims upon 
the civilized world. 

^ Goiivernexir MSS. 



176 JAMES MONROE 

"The operation of your message also upon the 
reputation of your own administration cannot be mis- 
taken. Effecting higher objects, it will also be dis- 
tinctly traced in the prostration of those limited views 
of policy which have infected so many of those who 
have been intrusted of late with a portion of the 
powers and character of our country, and in the dit 
fusion among our citizens of a great confidence in 
the general administration, so essential to the pro- 
sperity of our system. By giving a new and exalted 
direction to the public reflections, a tone of feeling 
and expression must succeed as fatal to the pretended 
patriots of the two last years as it will be honorable 
to those who, at the risk of popularity, have been the 
objects of their clamorous abuse." ^ 

The Monroe Doctrine came before Congress 
less than three years later, when the propriety 
of sending ministers to the Congress of Panama 
was debated. Mr. McLane was opposed to any 
course which should bind the United States to 
resist interference from abroad in the concerns 
of the South American governments, and Mr. 
Rives wished to declare still more explicitly 
that the United States was not pledged to main- 
tain by force the principle that no part of the 
American continent was henceforward subject 
to colonization by any European power. Daniel 
Webster made a speech, April 11, 1826, on the 

^ I am indebted to Mr. Morse, the editor of this series of 
volumes, for these citations. 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 177 

Panama mission, in which he came boldly to 
the defense of the Monroe Doctrine. The coun- 
try's honor, he said, is involved in that declara- 
tion ; " I look upon it as a part of its treasures 
of reputation, and for one I intend to guard it." 
After reviewing the political history from the 
Congress of Verona onward, he continued : " I 
look on the message of December, 1823, as form- 
ing a bright page in our history. I will help 
neither to erase it nor tear it out ; nor shall it 
be by any act of mine blurred or blotted. It 
did honor to the sagacity of the government, 
and I will not diminish that honor." ^ 

The origin of the Monroe Doctrine is regarded 
by a recent English writer ^ as of " more than 
speculative importance ; " for, in his opinion, 
" the history of the doctrine shows that its literal 
interpretation is far from clear. Phrases which 
in the mouth of one man might be the obscure 
expression of confused thought would not be 
uttered by another without a deep political mean- 
ing." This leads the writer to an elaborate and 
very interesting investigation of the authorship. 
He speaks of Monroe " as the mild and vener- 
able patriarch of whom little but good is known, 
and who may the more easily be reputed a 
hero ; " and he conjectures that the popular ven- 

1 Works, iii. 205. 

^ Reddaway : The Monroe Doctrine, p. 74. 



178 JAMES MONROE 

eration for the doctrine is due to " its supposed 
parentage by Monroe." On the other hand 
he argues that if this famous pronunciamento 
"were proved to be the offspring of Adams, 
much of the glamour encircling it might fade 
away, and its interpretation might pass more 
completely from the sphere of sentiment into 
that of reason." This introduces an acute anal- 
ysis of the opinions and views of Monroe and 
of his secretary of state, John Quincy Adams, 
and involves the conclusion that " the conception 
of the Monroe Doctrine and much of its phrase- 
ology came from Adams, and that the share of 
Monroe did not extend beyond the revision." 

To me this discussion seems more important 
to the antig^uary than to the historian; for if 
further research should establish beyond ques- 
tion the authorship as that of Adams, the fact 
will still remain that the President and not the 
secretary of state announced the doctrine. It 
was his official sanction which gave authority to 
the phrases, by whomsoever they were written, 
and lifted them far above the plane of personal 
opinions. Monroe spoke from the chair of the 
Chief Executive ; and to him statesmen and his- 
torians have continuously attributed the doc- 
trine. His official station, at a critical moment, 
and not his personal characteristics and opinions, 
gave to his words authority: and their pro- 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 179 

nounced acceptance by the people of the United 
States shows how accurately they express the 
sentiments of the people. It would require a 
volume to trace the effects of the Monroe Doc- 
trine upon political discussions in the United 
States, from the date of its enunciation to the 
beginning of the Cuban war in the spring of 
1898. JNo attempt is here made to engage in 
this review, but in the appendix will be found a 
comprehensive bibliography by means of which 
the course of events and of debates may be read» 
ily traced. 



CHAPTER VTII 



SYNOPSIS OF MONROE S PRESIDENTIAL 

MESSAGES ^ 



President Monroe's inaugural addresses 
and annual messages are of greater length than 
those of any of his predecessors. His fifteen spe- 
cial messages are almost all brief ; one, however, 
that of May 4, 1822, on internal improvements, 
is of extraordinary length. 

In his first inaugural address, delivered on 
March 5, 1817, he dwells upon the happy condi- 
tion into which the country had been brought by 
the excellence of its political institutions and the 
bounty of Nature. Protection of its liberty and 
prosperity against dangers from within could be 
secured only by maintaining the excellence of 
the national character. To secure it against 
dano'ers from without, the coast and frontier de 
fenses, the army, the navy, but especially the 
militia, should be maintained in a state of effi- 
ciency. Attention is drawn to the advantages 

1 The following- summary of the speeches and messages of 
James Monroe, printed in the Statesman's Manual, has been 
prepared for insertion here by Professor J. F. Jameson, Ph. D, 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 181 

of developing the resources of the country and 
drawing the various parts of the Union more 
closely together by the construction of roads and 
canals, to the extent sanctioned by the Con- 
stitution ; of increasing the independence and 
strength of the industrial system of the country 
by the care of the government ; of paying the 
national debt at an early period ; and, in general, 
of making those imj^rovements for which peace 
gives the best opportunity. He promises that 
the new administration will do all in its power 
to secure efficiency in all departments of tht^ 
public service, to maintain peace with other na- 
tions, and to promote the increased harmony 
then pervading the Union. 

In the first annual message of President Mon- 
roe, dated December 2, 1817, which opens with 
congratulations on the progress of the national 
defenses and the increase of harmony, he speaks 
of the diplomatic relations with England, and 
with Spain and her revolted colonies, the na- 
tional revenue and the rapid extinguishment 
of the debt, recent purchases of lands from the 
Indians, our relations with them, the method 
of sale of public lands, the constitutionality of 
executing at national expense, imjjrovements in 
inter - communication, American manufactures, 
public buildings at the federal capital, pensions 
for soldiers of the Revolution, and the repeal 



182 JAMES MONROn. 

of tlie internal taxes. Under the first head he 
reports the completion of arrangements for re- 
ducing naval forces on Lake Erie, the progress 
of various minor negotiations pursuant to the 
provisions of the treaty of Ghent, and the failure 
Z)f our proposals for the opening of the ports in 
the West Indies and other British colonies to 
American vessels ; how this shall be met he 
leaves to Congress. He complains of violations 
of our neutrality by both Spain and her colonies, 
but expresses the belief that the occupation and 
hostile use of portions of territory claimed by . 
us, at Amelia Island and Galveston, were not 
authorized by the latter, and defends the sup- 
pression of these resorts. He recommends pro- 
vision for the better civilization of the Indians 
upon the Western frontier, whose lands have 
recently been bought, and such regulation of the 
sale of the tracts thus opened to immigrants as 
shall most benefit the general government and 
the settlers. Concerning the right to make in- 
ternal improvements he says : " Disregarding 
early impressions, I have bestowed on the sub- 
ject all the deliberation which its great impor- 
tance and a just sense of my duty required, and 
the result is a settled conviction in my mind that 
Congress does not possess the right." But he 
suggests a constitutional amendment giving the 
right to do this, and to institute seminaries of 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSACxES 183 

ieariiiiio:. He recommends the repeal of the in- 
ternal taxes, believing them no longer necessary. 

A special message of January 13, 1818, in- 
forms Congress that the settlement at Amelia 
Island, and probably that at Galveston, has been 
broken up. The President considers this justi- 
fied by their character, and declares that nothing 
has been or will be done to injure Spain. 

The second annual message, dated November 
17, 1818, opens with a statement by the Presi- 
dent of the arrano'ements which had been made 
with reference to a continuation of the conven- 
tion with Great Britain. He discusses the trou- 
bles in Florida, mentions the progress of the 
South American revolutions and the mediation 
proposed by the allied powers, notices the excel- 
lent condition of the national finances, and re- 
commends further protection. He dwells with 
satisfaction upon the progress of the system of 
defenses, and upon the admission of a new State, 
Illinois, believing that the rise of new States 
within our borders will produce the greatest 
benefits, both material and political. He recom- 
mends such provision for the Indians as will, if 
possible, prevent their extinction, accustom them 
to agriculture, and promote civilization among 
them ; and the establishment of a government 
for the District of Columbia more agreeable to 
principles of self-government. His statements 



184 JAMES MONROE 

as to events in Florida ought, perhaps, to be 
represented more fully. He draws a strong 
picture of the impotence of the Spanish author- 
ities, of the lawless character of the adventurers 
v^^ho seized upon various positions in the province, 
and of the dangers to which the citizens of the 
United States were subjected, at sea by the de- 
predations of the adventurers and on land by 
the attacks of the Indians incited by them. As 
Spain could not govern the region, and would 
not transfer it, the only course open to our gov- 
ernment, says the Pi-esident, was to suppress the 
establishment at Amelia Island, and to carry 
the pursuit of the Indians so far as to prevent 
further disturbance from them, or from their in- 
citers, English or Spanish ; but care, he said, has 
been taken to show due respect to the govern- 
ment of Spain. 

The negotiations of our government with that 
of Spain form the chief subject of the annual 
message of December 7, 1819. A treaty by 
which the Spanish government ceded to the 
United States the province of Florida, while the 
United States renounced its claims to the part 
of Louisiana west of the River Sabine, known 
as Texas, and its claims to compensation for 
injuries sustained by its citizens from Spanish 
cruisers some twenty years before, had, early in 
this year, been concluded at Washington and 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 185 

ratified by the government there. It was then 
sent to Madrid, but, unexpectedly, the Spanish 
government delayed ratifying it, alleging not 
only that attempts had been made by United 
States citizens against Texas, but that our niin= 
ister at Madrid had, as instructed, when present- 
ing the treaty for ratification, accompanied it by 
a declaration explaining the meaning given to 
one of its articles. In the present message the 
President comments severely upon the conduct 
of the Spanish court, denies its first charge 
absolutely, and explains that the second refers 
to a correction enabling the treaty to cover, as 
both governments agreed that it should cover, 
all cases of land grants of a specified sort. He 
declares that the conduct of Spain is perfectly 
unjustifiable, and is so regarded by Euroi3eau 
governments, and that it would be right for our 
government to carry out the treaty fairly, alone ; 
but suggests forbearance until the expected en- 
voy shall have arrived from Madrid. Other 
matters, new and old, which the President dis- 
cusses in this message are, the preservation of 
our neutrality in the South American conflict, 
the Canadian and West Indian commerce, the 
treasury, the contraction of bank circulation and 
depression of industry, the coast survey, the in- 
crease of the navy, and the maintenance of the 
Mediterranean squadron. 



186 JAMES MONROE 

A special message, sent a few days later, De. 
eember 17, describes, and submits to amendment 
by Congress, the arrangements which the Exec- 
utive had made for the transference to Africa 
of negroes captured in accordance with the act 
for the abolition of the slave-trade. 

In the last annual , message of his first term, 
that of November 14, 1820, President Monroe 
takes occasion to review the present situation of 
the Union, He expresses the greatest satisfac- 
tion at our wonderful prosperity. While cer- 
tain interests have suffered depression because 
of the long European wars and the consequent 
industrial derangements, he regards these as 
mild and instructive admonitions, and as accu- 
mulating " multiplied proofs of the great perfec- 
tion of our most excellent system of government, 
the powerful instrument in the hands of an all 
merciful Creator, in securing to us these bless- 
ings." He reports that the treaty with Spain is 
not yet ratified, while Florida is constantly made 
a basis of smuggling operations ; that the restric- 
tions on commerce to and from the West Indies 
continue ; and that negotiations have been com- 
menced for a commercial treaty with France, 
and recommends legislation making more just 
the recent tonnage duties on French vessels. 
South American affairs are, as usual, mentioned. 
The rapid reduction of the public debt is noted, 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 187 

as showing the extent of the national resources. 
The President then recommends legislation to 
relieve those who have bought public lands on 
credit in days of higher prices. He reports pro- 
gress in the preparation of the extensive system 
of fortifications, and sets forth the great advan- 
tages to be expected from them, and more briefly 
those derivable from the frontier posts among 
the Indians and the naval squadrons abroad. 

In his second inaugural address, delivered 
March 4, 1821, President Monroe first expresses 
his gratitude for the confidence of his fellow-cit- 
izens, and his satisfaction at the general accord 
with which it has been expressed. " Having 
no pretensions," says he, " to the high and 
commanding claims of my predecessors, whose 
names are so much more conspicuously identified 
with our Revolution, and who contributed so 
preeminently to promote its success, I consider 
myself rather as the instrument than the cause 
of the union which has prevailed in the late 
election. ... It is obvious that other power- 
ful causes, indicating the great strength and sta- 
bility of our Union, have essentially contributed 
to draw you together." He then reviews the 
acts of the government in the previous term, 
and, first of all, the progress made in fortifica^ 
tion. Upon matters of foreign policy, the chief 



188 JAMES MONROE 

opinions expressed by liim are, that our neutral 
ity in the South American conflict should by all 
means be preserved, that the troubles in Florida 
could not be ended in any other way than that 
pursued, that the treaty with Spain and the 
acquisition of the peninsula will prove highly 
advantageous to our country, and that our naval 
squadrons in foreign waters have been most effi- 
cient in su^^pressing the slave-trade and piracy. 
He recommends, in view of the public exigencies, 
the restoration of the internal duties and ex- 
cises, the removal of which he had, under other 
circumstances, suggested in a former message. 
He further recommends that the Indians, in- 
stead of being treated as independent nations, 
be settled upon lands granted to them as individ- 
uals, and heli)ed to improvement in agriculture 
and civilization ; and that measures be taken to 
make us always capable of self-defense. He 
then compares the excellence and success of our 
government with the defects and failures of those I 

of the ancient republics, and expresses the belief 
" that our system will soon attain the highest 
degree of perfection of which human institutions 
are capable." The address closes with remarks 
upon the increase of the area and population of 
the United States, and with acknowledgments 
of the ability and uprightness of the President's 
cabinet advisers. 



I 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 189 

The principal subjects o£ the fifth annual 
message, that of December 3, 1821, are, com- 
mercial relations arising under the act of March 
3, 1815, and the transference and government 
of Florida. Besides these, the President briefly 
discusses Portuguese and South American af- 
fairs, the treasury and revenue, incidental pro- 
tection to manufactures, internal taxation, now 
no longer deemed necessary, surveys, fortificar 
tions, and war vessels, and the efficiency of the 
Mediterranean squadron in restraining the Bar- 
bary powers, and of the naval forces elsewhere 
in suppressing piracy and the slave-trade. The 
act of March 3, 1815, had provided that the 
manufactures and productions of any foreign na- 
tion, imported into the United States in vessels 
of the same nation, should be exempted from 
the payment of any further duties than would 
be paid upon the same merchandise if imported 
in our ships, whenever the Executive should be 
satisfied that the nation in question had con- 
ferred the like privilege upon our commerce. 
It was thought, says the President, that the pro- 
posal was liberal, and that any powder acceding 
to it would also throw open the trade of its colo- 
nies to foreio^n vessels on a similar basis. But 
England, while accepting it for her European 
dominions, has declined it for the West Indies, 
and France has declined it altogether; direct 



190 JAMES MONROE 

trade with the West Indies and France in our 
vessels and theirs has therefore ceased. He 
expresses regret at the extreme interpretatioi 
put by the French government upon the most 
favored-nation clause in the treaty of 1803, and 
defends the seizure of the Apollo, on the nomi- 
nally Spanish side of the St. Mary's River, on 
the ground that the sole purpose of its presence 
there was to elude our revenue laws. He reports 
the extension of the reciprocity system of the act 
of 1815 by treaties with several powers. In an- 
nouncing the transfer of Florida, he comments 
severely upon the refusal of the Spanish officials 
in charge to transfer the land records of the 
province. He describes the measures taken for 
the provisional government of the district, re- 
grets the dissensions which have occurred in it, 
recommends the prompt establishment of a ter- 
ritorial government for it, and reports progress 
in the satisfaction of the claims of our citizens 
against Spain. 

During this same session several special mes- 
sages were sent to Congress. The first, on Feb- 
ruary 25, 1822, suggests a larger appro j)riatioiJ 
for a treaty with the Cherokees ; the second^ 
dated March 8, 1822, relates to the contest 
between Spain and her colonies. The opinion 
is expressed that recent events have made it 
manifest that the colonies not only possess inde« 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 191 

pendence, but are certain to retain it, and that 
the recognition of their independence by us 
should now be made, that it cannot be regarded 
by Spain as improper, and may help to shorten 
the struggle. A longer special message of 
March 26 refers to the fortifications at Dau= 
phin Island at the mouth of Mobile Bay, and, 
incidentally, to the subject of fortifications in 
pfeiieral. The President demonstrates the neces- 
sity of extensive fortifications at that point for 
the protection not only of Mobile but of New- 
Orleans, and thus of the whole valley of the 
Mississippi. He ends the ' message with a 
strong vindication of the policy of fortification 
adopted by Congress soon after the late de- 
structive war with England ; he shows that 
the amount of loss which, in any similar emer- 
gency, would be thus prevented, far exceeds the 
cost of the works themselves, and that the latter 
has been, and is being, defrayed without sensi- 
bly increasing the burdens resting upon the 
people. 

By far the most important of the special mes 
sages of President Monroe are those vetoing the 
Cumberland Road Bill, and giving the reasons 
therefor. In the former he briefly declares his 
opinion that the power to pass such a law im- 
plies the power to adopt and execute a complete 



192 JAMES MONROE 

system of Internal improvement, and that such 
a power is neither specifically nor incidentally 
granted by the Constitution. The session being 
^oo advanced to permit him to include his rea- 
sons in this message, he instead transmits to Con- 
■yress an exposition of his views on the subject 
previously committed to paper, and having a 
form somewhat different from that which would 
have been adopted in a message. The paper 
so transmitted forms a special message of great 
length, setting forth fully the President's views 
on internal improvements. 

This message may be divided into four parts. 
In the first he discusses the general subject of 
the division of powers between the general gov- 
ernment and the State governments ; in the 
second he describes the powers which the gene- 
ral government would have to exercise if it pos- 
sessed the right claimed for it ; in the third he 
controverts in detail the arguments of those 
who seek to derive the power in question from 
various powers conceded to Congress by the 
Constitution ; in the fourth he declares the ad- 
vantages of the possession of such a power by 
them, if carefully confined to great works of 
national importance, and recommends an amend- 
ment to secure that end. 

The subjects of the first portion are, the ori 
gin of the state governments and their endow- 



i 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 193 

ments when first formed ; the origin of tlie 
national government and the powers vested in 
it, and the powers which are admitted to have 
remained to the state governments. The views 
Usclosed in it are substantially the following : 
A'^hen the power of the crown was abrogated, 
the authority which had been held by it vested 
exclusively in the people of the colonies. These 
appointed a Congress. They also formed state 
governments, to which all necessary powers of 
government, not vested in Congress, were im- 
parted, the sovereignty still residing in the peo- 
ple. Meanwhile the powers of Congress, though 
vast, were undefined. Hence the jjlan of con- 
federation ratified in 1781. Now it may fairly 
be presumed that where grants of certain pow- 
ers were transferred in the same terms from 
this to the Constitution of 1788, they should be 
construed in the same sense in the latter which 
they bore in the former. Its principal provi- 
sions are therefore here inserted. Its incompe- 
tence being demonstrated, the new Constitution 
was formed and ratified, the state governments 
themselves taking the lead in this forward move- 
ment. A compact was thus formed, which can- 
not be altered except by those who formed it, 
and in the mode in it described. Thus there 
were two separate and independent governments 
established over the Union, one for local pur- 



194 JAMES MONROE 

poses over each State, by the people of the 
State ; the other for national purposes over all 
the States, by the people of the United States. 
Both governments have a common origin or 
sovereign, the people, whose whole power, on 
the representative principle, is divided between 
them. As a result of this survey, two impor- 
tant facts are disclosed ; the first is, that the 
power or sovereignty passed from the crown 
directly to the people ; the second, that it passed 
to the people of each colony, and not to the 
people of all the colonies in the aggregate. 
Had it been otherwise, had the people not had 
equal rights and a common interest in the strug- 
gle, or had the sovereignty passed to the aggre- 
gate, the Revolution might not have succeeded. 
But, clearly, power passed to the people of 
each colony, for the chartered rights, whose vio- 
lation produced the Revolution, were those se- 
cured by the charters of each colony ; and the 
composition and conduct of Congress confirm 
this position. The powers granted by the Con- 
stitution to the government of the United States f 
are then detailed. On the powers remaining to '^ 
the governments of the States, it is observed, 
that the territory contemplated by the Constitu- 
tion is the territory of the several States, and 
under their jurisdiction ; the people is the people 
of the several States ; the militia, the holding 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 195 

of property, the adniinistration of justice, the 
criminal code, are all under the control of the 
state governments, except in cases otherwise 
specially provided for. The right of the gene- 
cal government is, in short, a power to perform 
certain specified acts and those only. 

The second division of the messasfe discusser 
briefly the nature and extent of the powers re- 
quisite to the general government in order to 
adopt and execute a system of internal improve- 
ment, a necessary preliminary to the decision 
whether it has this power. First, says the Presi- 
dent, it must be able to buy the land even in 
spite of the owner's refusal to sell ; secondly, it 
must be able to punish those who injure the road 
or canal, by having not only jurisdiction over it 
but power to bring them to justice, wherever 
caught ; thirdly, it must be able to establish 
tolls and provide for their collection and for the 
punishment of those infringing such regulations. 

If, he continues, the United States possess this 
power, it must, since it has not been specifically 
granted, be derived from one of the following 
sources : First, the right to establish post-office:? 
and post-roads ; second, to declare war ; third , 
to regulate commerce among the several States ; 
fourth, from the power to pay the debts and pro- 
vide for the common defense and general wel= 
fare of the United States ; fifth, from the power 



196 JAMES MONROE 

to make all laws necessary and proper for carry- 
ing into execution all the powers vested by the 
Constitution in the government of the Unitec 
States, or in any department or officer thereof ; 
sixth, from the power to dispose of and make 
all needful rules and regulations respecting the 
territory and other property of the United States, 
From some one or other of these the advocates 
of the power derive it, and all these the Presi- 
dent proceeds, in this third part of his message, 
to consider in detail. 

As to the first grant, it is contended that it 
cannot, in the ordinary sense of the word " estab- 
lish," be held to mean anything more than the 
use of existing roads by the mail-carrier in pass- 
ing over them as others do ; that the phrase 
must be held to mean just what it did in the 
Articles of Confederation ; that, its object being 
the carriage of the mails, only what is abso- 
lutely necessary to that object is conceded ; and 
that the proposed interpretation would give Con- 
gress the same jurisdiction over all the roads 
already existing in every State. 

The claim under the second grant mentioned 
would extend to canals as well as to roads. If 
internal improvements are to be carried to the 
full extent to which they may be useful for mili- 
tary purposes, the power must extend to all 
roads in the Union. Further, the Constitution 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 197 

makes a special grant of several rights, like that 
of raising an army, which might much more cer- 
tainly be derived from that of declaring wai 
than could the power in question ; omission to 
mention the latter, therefore, proves that it is not 
granted, as does also the s})ecification of a grant 
of jurisdiction over land ceded for fortifications ; 
we are obliged to infer that in this case alone is 
the power given. 

Next, the President takes up the third argu- 
ment, from the power to regulate commerce be- 
tween the States. The history of this grant and 
of the discussions which preceded it make it 
evident, he says, that it was intended merely to 
give power to impose duties on foreign trade 
and to prevent any on trade between the States. 

The fourth claim is founded on the second 
part of the first clause of Art. I. Sec. 8 of the 
Constitution, which reads : " The Congress shall 
have power to Lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide 
for the common defense and general welfare of 
the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and 
excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States." The reasoning upon this point is in 
substance the following : The second phrase 
here used gives a right to appropriate the public 
money, and it gives this power alone. For, first, 
if the right of appropriation is not given by this 



198 JAMES MONROE 

clause it is not given at all ; secondly, this part 
of the grant has none of the characteristics of a 
distinct and original power, but is manifestly in- 
cidental to the first part ; thirdly, if this is not 
its real meaning it has a scope so wide as to 
make unnecessary all the other grants in the 
Constitution, for they would be included in this ; 
further, the place which this phrase occupies is 
exactly the one most fitting for a grant of the 
right of appropriation. If, then, this is the 
power here granted, it remains to inquire what 
is the extent of this power. One construction 
is, that the government has no right to expend 
money except in the performance of acts author- 
ized by the other specific grants, according to 
a strict construction of their nature. " To this 
construction," says President Monroe, "I was 
inclined in the more early stage of our govern- 
ment ; but, on further reflection and observation, 
my mind has undergone a change, for reasons 
which I will frankly unfold." The power to 
raise money and the power to appropriate it are 
both, in this grant, conveyed in terms as general 
and unqualified as, for instance, those conceding 
to Congress the power to declare war. More 
comprehensive terms than " to pay the debts and 
provide for the common defense and general 
welfare " could not have been used. And so 
intimately connected with and dependent on 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 190 

each other are the two branches of power 
granted, that a limitation of one would have 
had the like effect upon the other. But indeed 
it was impossible to have created a power within 
the government, distinct from Congress and the 
Executive, which should control the movement 
of the government in respect to expenditures, 
and not destroy it. This, then, must be the 
nature of the grant of appropriation. Have 
Congress, then, a right to raise and appropriate 
the public money to any and to every purpose, 
according to their will and pleasure ? They cer- 
tainly have not. The government of the United 
States is a limited government, instituted for 
great national purposes, and for those only. 
Good roads and canals will, however, promote 
many very important national purposes. To the 
appropriation of the public money to such im- 
provements there seems to be no well founded 
constitutional objection ; to do anything further 
than this the general government is not compe- 
tent. This has also been the practice of our gov- 
ernment ; for instance, in the case of the Cum- 
berland Road, all the acts of the United States 
have been based on the principle that the sover- 
eignty and jurisdiction belonged not to the gen- 
eral government but to the States ; Congress 
has simply appropriated money from the public 
treasury, thus aiding a work of great national 
Utility. 



200 JAMES MONROE 

The conclusion reached upon this point is^ 
therefore, that the right to make internal im 
provements has not been granted by the powei 
to " provide for the common defense and gene- 
ral welfare," but only the right to appropriate 
the public money ; that the government itself 
being limited, the power to appropriate is also 
limited, the extent of the government, as desig- 
nated by the specific grants, marking the extent 
of the power, which should, however, be ex- 
tended to every object embraced by the fair 
scope of those grants, and not confined to a 
strict construction of their respective powers (it 
being safer to aid the purposes of those grants 
by the appropriation of money than to extend, 
by a forced construction, the grant itself) ; and 
that, though the right to appropriate is indis- 
pensable, it is insula cient as a power if a great 
scheme of improvements is contemplated. 

Against the fifth source suggested, the power 
to make all laws necessary and proper for car- 
rying into execution all powers vested by the 
Constitution in the general government, it is 
urged that such a power is not by that instru- 
ment so vested. 

Sixthly, the second clause of Art. II. Sec. 3 of 
the Constitution is shown, by the first clause and 
by the history of the cessions of land to the 
United States by the States, to refer to such 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 201 

lands only. The power to make all needful reg- 
ulations respecting the territory and other pro- 
perty of the United States has, therefore, nc 
bearing upon the subject of internal improve- 
ments to be made by the general government. 

Therefore it is concluded that the desired 
power is not possessed. Much more than the 
right to appropriate is required ; territorial juris- 
diction over the roads is not, however, necessary, 
but may be left to the States, if the government 
have the power to protect its works. 

The great advantages of such improvements 
are easily seen, while no other region can, from 
its configuration, be improved so vastly by roads 
and canals at so slight expense. The inter- 
change of our varied productions w^ould be ren- 
dered more easy and commerce increased ; the 
efficiency of both the general and the state 
governments, the intelligence of the people, the 
strength of the Union, and the expansion of our 
system, would be greatly promoted. It cannot 
be doubted that such improvements can be made 
by the general government better than by the 
local governments, liable to jealousies and in- 
fluences not felt by the former. The Cumber- 
land Road, in particular, has a pressing need 
of the use of this power by the national gov- 
ernment. 

" If it is thought proper," concludes the Pre- 



202 JAMES MONROE 

sident, " to vest this power in the United States^ 
the only mode in which it can be done is by an 
amendment of the Constitution. On full con- 
uderation, therefore, of the whole subject, I am 
jf opinion that such an amendment ought to be 
recommended to the several States for their 
adoption. It is, however, my opinion that the 
power should be confined to great national works 
only, since, if it were unlimited, it would bo 
liable to abuse and might be productive of 
evih" 

President Monroe in his sixth annual mes- 
sage, dated December 3, 1822, touches upon a 
great variety of subjects. He reports the con- 
clusion of a satisfactory commercial convention 
with France, the opening of trade with the 
British colonies, and a decision by the Emperor 
of Russia upon Article I. of the Treaty of Ghent, 
and recommends the legislation which these 
events require. He announces the formation of 
a territorial government for Florida ; states the 
prosperous condition of the finances ; summa- 
rizes the report of the secretary of war, espe- 
cially as to the Academy at West Point, and that 
of the secretary of the navy ; and recommends 
the removal of the Seminoles. Peferring to 
his message upon the Cumberland Road, he sug- 
gests that if Congress do not see fit to propose 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 203 

the amendment there advised, it can certainly 
take measures to repair and protect the road 
he further recommends increased protective 
duties. The remainder of the message deals 
with foreign affairs. The President expresses 
his hope that Spain will soon give up the con- 
test with her colonies, and exhibits strong sym- 
pathy with the cause of Greece. In view of 
the complications in Europe which make war 
imminent, he exhorts the nation, while it con- 
gratulates itself upon its exemption from the 
causes which disturb peace elsewhere, to keep 
itself ever in a position to defend its liberties in 
any emergency. 

At the beoinnino- of his seventh annual mes- 
sage, December 2, 1823, the President explains 
the purpose of his messages, declaring that, as 
with us the people are exclusively the sovereigns, 
they should be informed on all public matters, 
especially foreign affairs and finance. Progress 
is reported in various negotiations. Our gov- 
ernment having begun to negotiate with the 
Russian emperor and with England in regard to 
the northwest boundar}^ " the occasion has been 
judged proper for asserting, as a principle ii 
which the rights and interests of the United 
States are involved, that the American conti- 
nents, by the free and independent condition 
which they have assumed and maintain, are 



204 JAMES MONROE 

hencefortli not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European powers." 
He mentions the proposals of our government 
that the slave-trade be declared piracy, and that 
privateering be abolished, and expresses strong 
approval of both these measures. The condi- 
tion of the finances, the war department, the 
militia, the navy, piracies in the Gulf, the post- 
office department, the tariff, the public accounts, 
and the Cumberland Road, is described, without 
recommendations of special significance. The 
project for the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal is 
mentioned with approval, and an appropriation 
for a survey is recommended, as well as for other 
public works. The most ardent wishes for the 
success of Greece in winning independence are 
expressed. Then follows a celebrated passage, 
already reproduced in the text of this book.^ 

The message closes with a comparison of the 
present state of the country with that at the 
close of the Revolution, touching uj)on the ad= 
ditions to our territory, the expansion of our 
population, the accession of new States, and the 
strengthening of our system to such an extent 
that consolidation and disunion are both im- 
practicable. 

A special message, sent to Congress on Feb- 
ruary 24, 1824, submitted to their consideratioa 

1 See p. 158. 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 205 

the claim of a portion of the Massachusetts 
militia to compensation for services in the late 
war. The decision of the Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, that the power to call out the militia 
of a State was conditional upon the consent of 
ts Executive, and that when called out tliey 
could not be placed under the command of an 
officer of the regular army, had previously made 
it impossible for the national Executive to make 
such compensation. Now, however, the prin- 
ciple in dispute being conceded by that State, 
favorable action is recommended to Congress. 

The important matters mentioned in the last 
annual message of President Monroe, that of 
December 7, 1824, aside from those which ap- 
pear in the same form in previous messages, are : 
the slave-trade, the rights of neutrals, the engin- 
eers' surveys, the visit of General Lafayette, 
the relations of our government with those of 
South America, the Supreme Court, and the 
Indians. A convention between the United 
States and Great Britain, declaring the slave- 
trade piratical, has been concluded but not yet 
ratified. An effort has been made, on occasion 
of the war between France and Spain, to put 
upon a more just basis the rights of neutral ves= 
sels in time of war, and it is hoped will prove 
successful. In view of the extensive roads and 
canals now projected, it is recommended that 



206 JAMES MONROE 

the corps of engineers be increased. The arri- 
val of General Lafayette and his warm welcome 
are mentioned, and it is suggested that in con- 
sideration of his services a suitable provision bt 
tendered him by Congress. The independent 
states of South America are reported to be fol- 
lowing the example of our prosperity, in spite of 
some presumably temporary disturbances ; the 
most friendly feelings toward them are expressed. 
The President recommends an organization of 
the Supreme Court which will relieve the judges 
of that court from any duties not connected with 
it, and will be more suited to the requirements 
of the present day ; that some wise and humane 
arrangement be made for the Indians, — perhaps 
settling them in the territory toward the Rocky 
Mountains, — which will lead to their permanent 
settlement in agricultural pursuits, and ulti- 
mately to their civilization, for which it is our 
solemn duty to provide ; and that the propriety 
of establishing a military station on the Pacific 
Coast be considered. He again reminds the 
nation of the many blessings it enjoys, and ex- 
horts it to preserve them from dangers withoul 
and dissensions within, and concludes this, his 
last annual message, with expressions of grati- 
tude for the public confidence and the generous 
support received from his fellow-citizens. 

During the session of 1825 several brief spe- 



MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 207 

cial messages were sent to Congress. In the 
first, dated January 5, the President requests a 
full investigation of his accounts with the gov- 
ernment during his long public service, with a 
view to a decision upon them hereafter. In the 
second, dated January 10, he gives reasons for 
withholding the documents, called for by the 
House of Representatives, concerning the con- 
duct of Commodore Stewart and Mr. Provost 
in South America. With the third, also ad- 
dressed to the House and dated January 27, 
he transmits a report of the secretary of war in 
regard to the removal of Indians to the West, 
and recommends that some scdieme of good 
government for them be adopted. With the 
fourth, of February 14, he transmits to the 
Houso a report of the secretary of war on cer- 
tain surveys for internal improvements. The 
fifth, of February 17, concerns special affairs of 
the District of Columbia. The sixth, of Febru- 
ary 21, again refers the claims of the Massachu- 
setts militia to Congress, to whom, and not to 
the Executive, belongs the decision of the mat- 
ter. The last message, dated February 26. 
1825, concerns a matter of mere routine, the 
unintentional neglect to sign a certain bill. 



CHAPTER IX 

PERSONAL ASPECT AND DOMESTIC RELATIONS 

Little has been said hitherto of Monroe's 
domestic and personal characteristics, but I can- 
not close the narrative without some reference 
to them, — beginning with a mention of his 
happy marriage and his family ties. While 
attending Congress in New York, he became 
engaged to Miss Eliza Kortwright, daughter of 
Lawrence Kortwright of that city, a lady of 
high social standing and of great beauty. He 
consulted his relative and life-long friend. Judge 
Jones, on this important matter, and received 
from him this counsel, which, however admirable 
for its discretion and caution, was certainly not 
likely to influence a man of twenty-eight who 
was ardently in love. 

JUDGE JONES TO JAMES MONROE 

" You will act prudently (so soon as you determine 
to fix yourself to business) to form the connection 
you propose with the person you mention or some 
other, as your inclination and convenience shall dic- 
tate. Sensibility and kindness of heart, good-nature 
without levity, a moderate share of good sense, with 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 209 

some portion of domestic experience and economy, 
will generally, if united in the female character, pro- 
duce that happiness and benefit which results from 
the married state, and is the highest human felicity a 
man may enjoy, and he cannot fail to enjoy it when 
'le is blessed with a companion of such a disposition 
and behavior, unless he is so weak and imprudent as 
to be his own tormentor. You have reached that 
period of life to be capable of thinking and acting for 
yourself in this delicate and interesting business, and 
I can only assure you that any accommodation I shall 
be able to afford you, to render yours and her situa- 
tion agreeable and easy, will be cheerfully afforded, 
which, should fortune be wanting, will be more em- 
barrassing in the commencement than any after 
period." 

It do^s not appear how carefully the lover 
weighed these words of wisdom, but the result 
of his own reflections appears in a letter to 
Madison, in which he announces his intended 
marriage. 

" If you visit this place shortly I will present you 
to a young lady who will be adopted a citizen of 
V^iroinia in the course of this week." 

Three months later he writes to Jefferson : — 

" You will be surprised to hear that I have formed 
the most interesting connection in human life with a 
young lady in this town, as you know my plan was 
to visit you before I settled myself ; but having 



210 JAMES MONROE 

formed an attachment to this young lady — a Miss 
Kortwright, the daughter of a gentleman of respect- 
able character and connections in this State, though 
injured in his fortunes by the late war — I have 
found that I must relinquish all other objects not 
connected with her. We were married about three 
months since. I remain here until the fall, at which 
time we remove to Fredericksburg in Virginia, where 
I shall settle for the present in a house prepared for 
me by Mr. Jones, to enter into the practice of the 
law." 

The young lawyer had doubted where to make 
his j^ermaneiit home, and his friendly relative 
went over the field carefully, and pointed out to 
liim the comparative advantages of Fredericks- 
burg and Richmond, with particular reference 
to his profession. The former is at length de- 
termined on, and the choice is thus announced 
to Jefferson, August 19, 1786 : — 

" I shall leave this about the 1st of October for 
Virginia, — Fredericksburg. Believe me, 1 have not 
relinquished the prospect of being your neighbor. 
The house for which I have requested a plan may 
possibly be erected near Monticello ; to fix there, and 
to have yourself in particular, with what friends we 
may collect around, for society is my chief object ; o 
rather, the only one which promises to me, with tht 
connection I have formed, real and substantial plea- 
sure ; if, indeed, by the name of pleasure it may be 
called." 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 211 

There were two children of this marriage, 
JEliza, who married Judge George Hay of Vir- 
ginia ; and Maria, who married Samuel L. Gou- 
verneur of New York. When Monroe was in 
?aris his elder daughter was at school with 
Hortense Beauharnais, who became Queen of 
Holland, and their teacher was the celebrated 
Madame Campan. The acquaintance thus formed 
became a warm friendship. The child of Mon- 
roe's daughter was named Hortense or Horten- 
sia, after Queen Hortense, who retained a warm 
interest in her namesake through her life. In a 
Baltimore family interesting mementos of this 
intimacy are carefully preserved. Portraits in 
oil of Hortense and Eugene Beauharnais and of 
Madame Campan were sent to Hortensia Ha}^ by 
the former queen, with an affectionate letter, 
and there are reasons to think that she re- 
membered in her last will her American name- 
sake.i 

Monroe's interest in the various members of 
his family connection is marked by more than 
ordinary affection. He took great pains to fur- 
ther their material welfare, and make them 
comfortable in their outward affairs, but he was 
always on his guard against using his official 

1 The gentleman, Charles Wilmer, Esq., who owns these 
valuable pictures, has also a charming- miniature of Mrs. Mon' 
loe, painted when she resided in Paris. 



n2 JAMES MONROE 

station for the benefit of any relative. In June, 
1794, just as he was about to sail for Europe, 
he gave the following advice to a nephew.^ It 
indicates, more accurately than any other lettei 
which I recall, Monroe's moral principles. 

" You may by your industry, prudence, and studi- 
ous attention to your business, as well as to your 
books, make such exertions as will advance your for- 
tune and reputation in the world, whereby alone your 
happiness or even tranquillity can be secured. Not 
only the reahty of these virtues must be possessed, 
but such an external must be observed as to satisfy 
the world you do possess them, otherwise you will 
not enjoy their confidence. You will recollect, like- 
wise, that heretofore your youth and inexperience 
were an excuse for any apparent levity or irregular- 
ity, but now that you are advancing in life, have a 
family and children, the case is alt^ered. Solid merit 
and virtue alone will support and carry you with 
credit through the world. 

" The principal danger to which a young man com- 
mencing under limited resources is exposed, and in 
which, if he errs, he inflicts the most incurable wound 
on his reputation, is the abuse of pecuniary confi- 
dence. Let me, therefore, warn you never to use your 
client's money. No temptation is greater to a person 
possessed of it than that which daily arises in the 
occurrences of a private family, to use this money, 
especially when the prospect of reimbursement fur- 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 213 

nishes the hope it may not be called for. But as the 
commencement of this practice breaks down to a 
certain degree that chaste and delicate refinement, 
which fo] ms the strongest barrier for the protection 
of virtue, it should never be commenced. 

" I would make it one of those sacred rules of my 
life which sliould not be violated, never to use it. T 
believe you have no passion for anything of thai' 
kind. I sincerely hope you have not. I suggest 
this hint, therefore, rather to guard you against a 
danger which assails every young man, than that I 
believe you likely to suffer by it. I mean the vice 
of gambling. I recollect there is a billiard table near 
you. Let me warn you against it. A passion of 
this kind will control, as it always has, every other. 
If it seizes you, your client's money will not be safe 
in your hands." 

Several sketches of Monroe, written at dif- 
ferent periods of his life, by different persons, 
will next be given. 

1799-1802. 

William Wirt, in the " Letters of a British 
Spy," which were published in a newspaper in 
1803, and afterwards reprinted in various forms 
drew the portrait of Monroe at the time when 
first he was governor. It is an interesting 
sketch by itself, but still more so in connection 
with a pendent likeness of the illustrious Mar- 
shall, whose career began with that of Monroe, 



214 JAMES MONROE 

in the College of William and Mary, and whose 
life was almost exactly contemporaneous. 

" In his stature," says Wirt, " he is about the mid- 
dle height of men, rather firmly set, with nothing 
ilurther remarkable in his person, except his muscular 
compactness and apparent ability to endure labor. 
His countenance, when grave, has rather the expres- 
sion of sternness and irascibility ; a smile, however 
(and a smile is not unusual with him in a social 
circle), lights it up to very high advantage, and gives 
it a most impressive and engaging air of suavity and 
benevolence. 

" His dress and personal appearance are those of a 
plain and modest gentleman. He is a man of soft, 
polite, and even assiduous attentions ; but these, al- 
though they are always well-timed, judicious, and 
evidently the offspring of an obliging and philan- 
thropic temper, are never performed with the striking 
and captivating graces of a Marlborough or a Boling- 
broke. To be plain, there is often in his manner an 
inartificial and even an awkward simplicity, which, 
while it provokes the smile of a more polished person, 
forces him to the opinion that Mr. Monroe is a man 
of a most sincere and artless soul." 

This is but a portion of the description. 

1825. 

A letter from Mrs. Tuley, then of Virginia, 
recently published,^ gives the following picture 

1 Philadelphia Times 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 215 

of the last levee at the White House, on New 
Year's day, during Monroe's administration. 
When she entered the reception-room, 

" Mr. Monroe was standing near the door, and as 
we were introduced we had the honor of shakinof 
hands with liim and passing the usual congratulations 
of the season. My impressions of Mr. Monroe are 
very pleasing. He is tall and well formed. His 
dress plain and in the old style, small clothes, silk 
hose, knee-buckles, and pumps fastened with buckles. 
His manner was quiet and dignified. From the frank, 
honest expression of his eye, which is said to be 'the 
window of the soul,' I think he well deserves the 
encomium passed upon him by the great Jeffer- 
son, who said, ' Monroe was so honest that if you 
turned his soul inside out there would not be a spot 
on it.' 

" We passed on and were presented to Mrs. Monroe 
and her two daughters, Mrs. Judge Hay and Mrs. 
Gouverneur, who stood by their mother and assisted 
her in receiving. Mrs. Monroe's manner is very 
gracious and she is a regal-looking lady. Her dress 
Avas superb black velvet ; neck and arms bare and 
beautifully formed ; her hair in puffs and dressed 
high on the head and ornamented with white ostrich 
plumes; around her neck an elegant pearl necklace. 
Though no longer young, she is stiU a very hand- 
some woman. You remember Mrs. told us that, 

when Mr. Monroe was sent as Minister to France, 
Mrs. Monroe accompanied him, and in Paris she wag 



216 JAMES MONROE 

called ^ la belle Amerlcaine.' She also told us that 
she was quite a belle in New York iu the latter par^ 
of the Revolutionary War. Her maiden name wa; 
Kortwright. Mrs. Judge Hay (the President's eldest 
daughter) is very handsome also — tall and graceful, 
and, I hear, very accomplished. She was educated 
in Paris at the celebrated boarding-school kept by 
Mme. Campan, and among her intimate school friends 
was the beautiful Hortense de Beauharnais, step- 
daughter of the Emperor Napoleon. Her dress was 
crimson velvet, gold cord and tassel round the waist, 
white plumes in the hair, handsome jewelry, bare 
neck and arms. The other daughter, Mrs. Gouver- 
neur, is also very handsome — dress, rich white satin, 
trimmed with a great deal of blonde lace, embroidered 
with silver thread, bare neck and arms, pearl jewelry 
and white plumes in the hair. By the bye, plumes in 
the hair seem to be the most fashionable style of 
head-dress for married ladies. 

" All the lower rooms were opened, and though 
well filled, not uncomfortably so. The rooms were 
warmed by great fires of hickory wood in the large 
open fireplaces, and with the handsome brass and- 
irons and fenders quite remind me of our grand old 
wood fires in Virginia. Wine was handed about io 
wine-glasses on large silver salvers by colored waiter; 
dressed in dark livery, gilt buttons, etc. I suppos 
some of them must have come from Mr. Monroe's 
aid family seat, ' Oak Hill,' Virginia." 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 217 

1830. 

Here is an autographic sketch of the ex-Pre- 
sident's literary work, addressed to Mr. Gouver- 
neur : ^ — 

" I am ensfa^jed in a work which will be entitled 
' A biographical and historical view of the great 
events to which Mr. Monroe was a party and of 
which he was a spectator in the course of his public 
service,' — commencing with my service in the army, 
in the legislature and council of the State, in the 
Revolutionary Congress and in the Senate. I have 
brought it to the conclusion of my first mission to 
France, which would, if printed, make about one 
hundred and twenty pages, and with the appendix, 
should it be thought advisable to add one, perhaps 
as many more. This work to this stage might be 
published at an early period as introductory to the 
sequel, though, I being closely engaged in it, I could, 
if I have health, complete the whole in five or six 
months. I have composed in part another work, a 
comparison between our government and the ancient 
republics, and likewise with the government of Eng- 
land. Of this I have already extended it to a view 
of the government of Athens and Lacedemon, of 
Greece, of Carthage, with notes on that of Rome, to 
which I have drawn an introductorv view of govern- 
ment and society as the basis of the work. This 
work I could also finish in about the same time, by 
devoting myself to it. What I have already written 
would occupy more pages than that above mentioned. 

1 Gouverneur MSS. 



218 JAMES MONROE 

My correspondence, when in the war department, oi 
three hundied and ninety-four pages folio, I mean 
my own letters only, is another work which I intend 
at a proper time to publish. If my claims are re- 
jected I should wish to take the preparatory steps to 
I publication, by suitable notices in the public papers 
at the i)roper time. I think no part had better be 
published until that part is finished ; and to accom- 
plish which, that I had better devote myself to one 
of the works mentioned, exclusively in the first in- 
stance, the biographical one, for instance. I shall 
place occurrences and develop principles by a faithful 
attention to facts, manifesting no hostility to any one. 
The publication of any part cannot, T presume, be 
made till the fall, and no notice had better be taken 
of it till just before." 

1830. 
During the latter part of liis life a sfeutleman 
who is now living in Charlottesville, Va., Judge 
E. R. Watson, was a member of Monroe's fam- 
ily, and retains a very vivid recollection of his 
appearance, occupations, and characteristics. He 
has been so kind as to prepare for insertion here 
the following reminiscences. 

Judge Watson's Recollect ions. 

"In person Mr. Monroe was about six feet high, 
perhaps rather more ; broad and square-shouldered 
and raw-boned. When I knew him he was an old 
tnan (more than seventy years of age), and he looked 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 219 

perhaps even older than he was, his face heing 
strongly marked with the lines of anxiety and care. 
His moutli was rather large, his nose of medium size 
and well-shaped, his forehead hroad, and his eyes 
blue approaching gray. Altogether his face was a 
little rugged ; and I do not suppose he was ever 
handsome, but in his younger days he must have 
been a man of fine physique, and capable of great 
endurance. As an illustration of this, I remember 
hearing him say that immediately preceding the oc- 
cupation of Washington by the British, and just after 
their retreat from the city, during the war of 1812, 
with the burden of three of the departments of the 
government resting upon him, — State, Treasury, and 
War, — he did not undress himself for ten days and 
nights, and was in the saddle the greater part of the 
time. There was no grace about Mr. IMonroe, either 
in appearance or manner. He was, in fact, rather an 
awkward man, and, even in his old age, a diffident 
one. Nevertheless, there was a calm and quiet dig- 
nity about him with which no one in his presence 
could fail to be impressed, and he v*ras one of the 
most polite men I ever saw to all ranks and classes. 
It was his habit, in his ride of a morning or evening, 
to bow and speak to the humblest slave whom li< 
passed as respectfully as if he had been the first gen 
tleman in the neighborhood. I have heard him de- 
fine true politeness as 'right feeling controlled by 
good common sense.' 

*' I do not know that I ever witnessed in Mr. Mon- 
roe any actual outbreak of temper, but I was always 



220 JAMES MONROE 

impressed with the idea that he was a man of very- 
strong feelings and passions, which, however, he had 
learned to control perfectly. I never heard him use 
an oath, or utter a word of profanity, and hence I 
was quite astonished when, on one occasion, I was 
talking with an old family servant about a gentleman 
who swore very hard, and he remarked, ' Bless your 
soul, you ought to hear old master ! He can give 
that man two in the deal and beat him.' In his 
intercourse with his family he was not only unvary- 
ingly kind and affectionate, but as gentle as a woman 
or a child. He was wholly unselfish. The wishes, 
the feelings, the interests, the happiness, of others 
were always consulted in preference to his own. 

*' Being quite young at the time, I was not a very 
competent judge, but my recollection is that Mr. 
Monroe's conversational powers were not of a high 
order. He always used the plainest, simplest lan- 
guage, but was not fluent, and was, it seemed to me, 
wholly wanting in imagination. He lacked the ver- 
satility, and I should say also the general culture, 
requisite for shining in the social circle, but was 
always interesting and instructive ; when with good 
listeners he led in conversation, and talked of the 
scenes and events through which he had passed, et 
quorum w.agna pars fuit. Whilst I was a member 
of Mr. Monroe's family it was his habit, when the 
weather and his health would allow, and the presence 
of visitors did not prevent, to ride out morning and 
evening, and I was very often his only companion. 
On these occasions he always talked of the past, and 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 221 

I was strongly impressed with the idea that he must 
have been in his public career essentially a man of 
action ; content even that othei*s might share the 
credit really due to him, if he could only enjoy the 
consciousness of doing his duty and rendering his 
ountry service. Love of country and devotion to 
duty appeared to me the explanation of his success 
in life and the honors bestowed upon him. There 
was not the least particle of conceit in Mr. Monroe, 
and yet he seemed always strongly to feel that he 
had rendered great public service. From Washing- 
ton to John Quincy Adams, he was the associate and 
co-laborer of the greatest and best men of his day. 
Yet he had no feeling of envy towards any of tiiem ; 
and though he felt that some had not always treated 
him justly, he took far more pleasure in commending 
their high qualities and patriotic services than in re- 
ferring to his wrongs, real or imaginary. 

" One striking peculiarity about Mr. Monroe was 
his sensitiveness, his timidity in reference to public 
sentiment. I do not mean as it respected his past 
public life. As to that he appeared to feel secure. 
But in retirement his great care seemed to be to do 
and say nothing unbecoming in an ex-President of 
the United States. He thought it incumbent on him 
to have nothing to do with party politics. This was 
beneath the dignity of an ex -President, and it was 
unjust to the people, who had so highly honored him, 
to seek to throw the weight of his name and character 
on either side of any contest between them. Hence 
Mr. Monroe, after retiring from office, rarely, if ever, 



222 JAMES MONROE 

expressed his opinions of public men or measures, 
except confidentially. Over and over again, in the 
early days of Jackson's administration, did he speal 
freely to me of that remarkable man, of Mr. Cal 
houn, Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, and others scarcely 
less prominent, as well as of the principles and mea- 
sures with which they were respectively identified ; 
but always with the injunction that what he said was 
never to be repeated. I recollect well to this day 
some of his opinions as then expressed, and have 
often regretted that I did not make some note of 
them all. But the truth is, I was so much afraid 
that in some unguarded moment I might betray the 
confidence reposed in me, that I sought rather to for- 
get than to treasure up what he said about men and 
measures of the day. 

" I cannot recall more than a single instance in 
which, in company, he expressed any opinion as to 
the character or conduct of prominent public men, 
except in so far as he could approve and commend 
them. On one occasion John Riindolph of Roanoke 
was the subject of discussion among several gentle- 
men present, who differed widely in their estimates 
of his character and services. Finally Mr. Monroe 
was appealed to for his opinion by one of Mr. Ran- 
dolph's admirers, in a way which indicated that the 
party addressing him scarcely expected any direct 
answer. Very promptly, however, Mr. Monroe re- 
plied, ' Well, Mr. Randolph is, I think, a capital 
hand to pull down, but I am not aware that he has 
ever exhibited much skill as a builder.' 



PERSONALITY ; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 223 

"Mr. Monroe's official life was marked by the 
same deference to and fear of offending public senti- 
ment. My impression is that during his whole pre- 
sidential term he appointed no relative or near con- 
nection to office. His two sons-in-law were George 
Hay of Virginia, and Samuel L. Gouverneur of New 
York. The former was a lawyer of eminent ability 
and a man of the very highest character, and was 
promptly appointed to a federal judgeship (the 
same now held by Judge Hughes of Virginia) by 
John Quincy Adams ; but he received nothing at the 
hands of Mr. Monroe. And so with Mr. Gouver- 
neur ; he was a talented and popular young man, of 
one of the best families of New York, but he received 
no federal appointment till Mr. Adams had suc- 
ceeded Mr. Monroe. Then Adams made him post- 
master of New York. Judge Hay had a son (by his 
first marriage), Charles Hay, who was made chief 
clerk of the Navy Department under Mr. Adams, 
but held no office under Mr. Monroe. The latter, as 
I heard from his own lips, was not willing, in making 
any appointment, to lay himself liable even to the 
suspicion of being influenced by any other considera- 
tion than the i)ublie good. 

" Though Mr. Monroe in early life 2)racticed law, 
I feel very sure he could not have been a very good 
speaker. He wrote with no great facility, but with 
pains. His handwriting was very bad. Some time 
in 1829, possibly in 1830, by his horse falling with 
him, he sprained his right wrist very badly, and for 
some time could not write at all. I often acted as his 



524 JAMES MONROE 

amanuensis. His correspondence was immense, and 
with the best and wisest men of his day. I do not 
remember whether he kept copies of his letters. I 
rather tliink he did not. But I have often thought 
that from those written to him there might be gathered 
a vast amount of valuable material bearing upon the 
listory of the country, and the character and conduct 
of its public men. 

"I have intimated that Mr. Monroe was probably 
deficient in general culture. If this be true, it is 
equally true that he was a student of history, espe- 
cially of ancient history. Whilst I was with him he 
completed the manuscript of a little work entitled, I 
think, * A Comparison of the American Republic with 
the Republics of Greece and Rome.' Every line of 
this I copied for him. On its completion he showed it 
to Judge Hay (who, with his family, lived with him), 
and asked him to read it and tell him what he thought 
of it. I well remember that, after examining it, 
Judge Hay said to Mr. Monroe, ' I think your time 
could have been better employed. If the framers of 
our Constitution could have had some work, from a 
modern standpoint, on the Constitutions of Greece 
and Rome, it might have been of value to them. I do 
not think yours is of practical value now. A history 
of your Life and Times, written by yourself, would 
really be interesting and valuable.' The idea seemed 
quite new to Mr. Monroe. Such was his modesty 
and self-depreciation that he had never thought of 
it before. The suggestion, however, had controlling 
weight, and Mr. Monroe immediately began to pre- 



PERSONALITY ; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 225 

pare such a work, and made some progress in it, but 
how much I cannot say. His memory of past events 
was remarkable ; and as, from the very beginning of 
the Revohition, when he became a member of Wash- 
ington's military family, to the close of his presi- 
dency, he was intimately associated with the govern- 
ment and those who controlled it, it is greatly to bo 
deplored that his life and health were not spared to 
enable him to comj)lete the work. It might not have 
been distinguished by literary merit, but it would 
have been marked, in my humble judgment, by a 
degree of truth, impartiality, and justice which never 
have been and never will be surpassed by any hu- 
man production. I have often wondered what had 
become of this fragment of Mr. Monroe's ' Life and 
Times,' as well as the little work which I copied for 
him. 

" Mr. Monroe was warmly attached to his friends. 
He never forgot a service rendered him, whether in 
public or private life. But in his friendship and 
affection for Mr. Madison there was something touch- 
ing and beautiful. Washington and Jefferson he 
greatly admired, but Mr. Madison he loved with 
his whole heart. They were once rival candidates 
for office, but, from what I have heard Mr. Monroe 
say, I do not suppose there was ever, for a single 
moment, the slightest feeling of estrangement or un- 
kindness between them. 

" I have several times seen them together at Mont- 
pelier, and, as it seemed to me, it was only in Mr, 
Madison's society that Mr. Monroe could lay aside 



226 JAMES MONKOE 

his usual seriousness and indulge in the humorous 
jest and merry laugh, as if he were young again. 

" Mrs. Monroe was Eliza Kortwright of New 
York, the niece, I think, of General Knox, of Revo- 
lutionary fame. Even in old age and feeble health 
she bore traces of having been very beautiful in early 
life. She survived Judge Hay but a short time. I 
was at Oak Hill, on a visit, when she died. She was 
not buried for several days, the delay being occasioned 
by the construction of a vault, designed not only for 
her remains but for those also of Mr. Monroe, as he 
himself told me. I shall never forijet the touchino- 
grief manifested by the old man on the morning after 
Mrs. Monroe's death, when he sent for me to go to 
his room, and vrith trembling frame and streaming 
eyes spoke of the long years they had spent happily 
together, and expressed in strong terms his conviction 
that he would soon follow her. In this connection he 
spoke of his purpose to build a vault for the remains 
of both of til em ; and I have often thought it would 
have been well if, when Virginia caused his remains to 
be removed to Richmond, those of Mrs. Monroe had 
been also removed and laid side by side with them. 

" The death of Mr. Monroe occurred on the 4th of 
July of the next year (1831), at the residence of hi^ 
son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, in the city of New York 
I have a strong impression that Mr. Monroe eithei 
told me in person, or wrote to me, that his purpose in 
going to New York was not only to visit his daughter, 
but especially to see his friend William Wirt, to 
ivhom he was devotedly attached." 



.~. -;x 




^. 




PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 227 

Here are two almost pathetic letters, one from 
Monroe to Madison, the other from Madison tc 
Monroe, written in the spring of 1831. 

MONROE TO MADISON ^ 

I have intended for some time to write and ex-, 
plain to you the arrangement I have made for my 
future residence, and respecting my private affairs 
with a view to my comfort, so far as I may expect 
it, hut it lias been painful to me to execute it. 

My ill state of health continuing, consisting of a 
cough, which annoys me by night and by day with 
considerable expectoration, considering my advanced 
years, although my lungs are not affected, renders 
the restoration of my health very uncertain, or in- 
deed any favorable change in it. In such a state I 
could not reside on my farm. The solitude would be 
very distressing, and its cares very burdensome. It 
is the wish of both my daughters, and of the whole 
connection, that I should remain here and receive 
their good offices, which I have decided to do. I do 
not w^ish to burden them. It is my intention to rent 
a house near Mr. Gouverneur, and to live within my 
own resjurces so far as I may be able. I could make 
no establishment of any kind without the sale of my 
property in Loudoun, which I have advertised for 
the 8th of June, and given the necessary power to 
Mr. Gouverneur and my nephew James. If my 
health will permit, I will visit it in the interim and 
arrange affairs there for that event and my removal 

1 Monroe MSS. 



228 JAMES MONROE 

here. The accounting officers have made no decision 
on my claims, and have given me much trouble. J 
have written them that I would make out no account 
adapted to the act, which fell far short of making 
me a just reparation, and that I had rather lose the 
whole sum than give to it any sanction, be the conse- 
quences what they may. I never recovered from the 
losses of the first mission, to which those of the 
second added considerably. 

It is very distressing to me to sell my property in 
Loudoun, for, besides parting with all I have in the 
State, 1 indulged a hope, if I could retain it, that I 
might be able occasionally to visit it, and meet my 
friends, or many of them, there. But ill health and 
advanced years prescribe a course which we nmst 
pursue. I deeply regret that there is no prospect of 
our ever meeting again, since so long have we been 
connected, and in the most friendly intercourse, in 
public and private life, that a final separation is 
among the most distressing incidents which could oc- 
cur. I shall resign my seat as a visitor at the Board 
in due time to enable the Executive to fill the vacancy, 
tliat my successor may attend the next meeting. I 
beg you to assure Mrs. Madison that I never can for* 
get the friendly relation which has existed between 
her and my family. It often reminds me of incidents 
of the most interesting character. My daughter, Mrs. 
Hay, will live with me, who, with the whole familj 
here, unite in affectionate regards to both of you. 

Very sincerely, your friend, 

J. M. 

New York, 4/?r^7 11, 1831. 



PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 229 

MADISON TO MOXROE ^ 

MoNTPELiER, April 21, 1831. 

Dear Sir, — I have duly received yours of [April 
11]. I considered the advertisement of your estate 
in Loudoun as an omen that your friends in Virginia 
were to lose you. It is impossible to gainsay the 
motives to which you yielded in making New York 
your residence, though I fear you will find its cli- 
mate unsuited to your period of life and the state of 
your health. I just observe, and with much pleasure 
that the sum voted by Congress, however short oi 
just calculations, escapes the loppings to which it was 
exposed from the accounting process at Washington, 
and that you are so far relieved from the vexations 
involved in it. The result will, I hope, spare you at 
least the sacrifice of an untimely sale of your valu- 
able property ; and I would fain flatter myself that, 
with an encouraging improvement of your health, 
you might be brought to reconsider the arrangement 
which fixes you elsewhere. The effect of this, in 
closing the prospect of our ever meeting again, afflicts 
me deeply ; certainly not less so than it can you. 

The pain I feel at the idea, associated as it is with 
a recollection of the long, close, and uninterrupted 
friendship which united us, amounts to a pang which 
I cannot well express, and which makes me seek for 
an alleviation in the possibility that you may be 
brought back to us in the wonted degree of inter- 
course. This is a happiness my feelings covet, not 

^ Madison's Writings, vol. iv. pp. 178-179, 



230 JAMES MONROE 

withstanding the short period I could expect to en» 
joy it ; being now, though in comfortable health, a 
decade beyond the canonical three-score and ten, an 
epoch which you have but just passed. 

As you propose to make a visit to Loudoun pre- 
vious to the notified sale, if the state of your health 
permits, why not, with the like permission, extend 
the trip to this quarter? The journey, at a rate of 
your own choice, might cooperate in the reestablish- 
ment of your health, whilst it would be a peculiar 
gratification to your friends, and, perhaps, enable you 
to join your colleagues at the university once more 
at least. It is much to be desired that you should 
continue, as long as possible, a member of the Board, 
and I hope you will not send in your resignation in 
case you find your cough and weakness giving way 
to the influence of the season and the innate strength 
of your constitution. I will not despair of your be- 
ing able to keep up your connection with Virginia 
by retaining Oak Hill and making it not less than an 
occasional residence. Whatever may be the turn of 
things, be assured of the unchangeable interest felt 
by Mrs. Madison, as well as myself, in your welfare, 
and in that of all who are dearest to you. 

In explanation of my microscopic writing, I must 
remark that the older I grow the more my stiffening 
fingers make smaller letters, as my feet take shorter 
steps, the progress in both cases being, at the same 
time, more fatiguing as well as more slow. 



CHAPTER X 

RETROSPECT — REPUIATION 

Monroe retired from his higli office March 
4, 1825, and during the seven years which re- 
mained of his life divided his time between his 
home at Oak Hill, in Loudonn County, Virginia, 
and the residence of his daughter, Mrs. Gouver- 
neur, in the city of New York. He accepted 
the post of regent in the University of Vir- 
ginia, which was instituted in 1826, and gave 
his personal attention to the duties of the office, 
with Jefferson and Madison. He was asked to 
serve on the electoral ticket of Virginia in 1828, 
but declined to do so, on the ground that an 
ex-President should refrain from an active par- 
ticipation in political contests. He consented, 
however, to act as a local magistrate and to 
become a member of the Virginia constitu- 
tional convention, wdiich assembled a little later. 
He maintained an active correspondence with 
friends at home and abroad, and, what is much 
more remarkable, he undertook to compose a 
philosophical history of the origin of free gov* 



232 JAMES MONROE 

ernments, for which his literary training was 
quite inadequate. This treatise was published 
in 1867. 

Monroe, throughout his later days, was 
somewhat embarrassed in his pecuniary cir 
cumstances, and spent a great deal of time in 
endeavoring to secure from Congress a just re- 
imbursement for the heavy expenses in which 
he had been involved during his prolonged ser- 
vices abroad. It is truly pitiful to perceive the 
straits to which so patriotic a servant of the 
country, against whose financial integrity not 
a word was uttered, was reduced ; particularly 
when the expenditures he had incurred were, 
to a very large amount, required by the posi- 
tions to which his countrymen had called him, 
and for which they made inadequate remunera- 
tion. No private subscription came to honor 
or relieve him. Lafayette, with a generous 
impulse and with great delicacy of procedure, 
offered him relief.^ Some allowance was at 
length made by Congress, and after his death 
his heirs received a moderate sum for the pa- 
pers he had preserved. His old age was much 
given to retrospection, doubtless quickened bj 
the necessity of reviewing his accounts in justifi- 
cation of his claims. A letter to Judge McLean 
may be found in his manuscripts, with a note 

^ Ante, page 154. 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 233 

that the form was altered, though the spirit was 
preserved.^ It reads as follows : — 

MONROE TO JOHN MCLEAN 

Oak Hill, December 5, 1827. 

I have read with great interest your letter of the 
15th ult. The course which you have pursued in 
the administration corresponds witli that which I had 
anticipated. I am satisfied that you had done your 
duty to your country, and acquitted yourself to the 
just claims of those with whom you were officially 
connected. 

It has afforded me great pleasure to find that the 
department had considerably improved, under your 
management, in all the great objects of the institu- 
tion, the more extensive circulation of political and 
commercial intelligence among the great body of our 
fellow-citizens and the augmentation of the revenue. 
Tliis sentiment seems to be general throughout the 
community, which it would not be if it was not con- 
firmed by unquestionable evidence. By the faithful 
and useful discharge of your pubhc duties you have 
given the best support which could be rendered to 
the administration of Mr. Adams, and of which he 
must be sensible. No person at the head of the gov- 
ernment has, in my opinion, any claim to the active 
partisan exertions of those in office under him. Jus- 
tice to his public acts, friendly feelings, and a candid 
and honorable deportment towards him, without for- 
getting what is due to others, are all that he has a 

1 Monroe MSS. 



234 JAMES MONROE 

right to expect, and in those I am satisfied you have 
never failed. Your view, in regard to my concerns, 
corresponds also with my own. I shall never apply 
again to Congress, let my situation be what it may. 
Tlie only point on which my mind has balanced is, 
whether the republication of my memoir, remarks, 
and documents, in a pamphlet, would be proper 
and useful. Those papers relate to important public 
events in both my missions and in the late war, and 
since, while I held an office in the administration. 1 
was charged with a failure to perform my duty in 
my first mission, and recalled from it and censured. 

The book which I published on my return home, 
with the official documents which it contained, vindi- 
cated me against the charge, and on that ground I 
then left it. The parties are since dead, and I am 
now retired to private life. I never doubted the 
perfect integrity of General Washington, nor the 
strength or energy of his mind, and was personally 
attached to him. I admired his patriotism, and had 
full confidence in his attachment to libertj^ and soli- 
citude for the success of the French Revolution. 

It being necessary to advert to that occurrence, in 
my communication to the committee which was first 
appointed on my claims, I availed myself of the oc- 
casion to express a sentiment corresponding with the 
above in his favor, as I likewise did in the memoir 
since published. The documents published with it 
prove, in minute detail, not only that I faithfully 
performed my duty to my country, but exerted my 
best taculties, on all occasions, in support of his chai* 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 235 

acter and fame. The letters of Major Mountflorence, 
which I had fori;otteii that I possessed, are material 
on both points. They prove that the French govern- 
ment charged me with having prevented it from tak- 
ing measures which it deemed due to the honor of 
France, for eight months, and that it had withdrawn 
Its confidence from, and ceased to conmiunicate with 
me at the very moment when I was recalled by my 
own government. Major Mountflorence was no par- 
ticular friend or associate of mine. I found him in 
France, on my arrival there. He was the friend of 
Mr. Morris, my predecessor, and, as I understand, 
from Tennessee. Mr. Skipwith employed him as the 
chancellor in his office, on account of his acquaintance 
with our affairs and knowledge of the French lan- 
guage. He passed daily, on the business of the 
consulate, through the several departments of the 
government, and was acquainted with the principal 
officers, especially the clerks in each, and on that 
account I instructed him to make the inquiries to 
which his reports relate. All the other documents 
correspond with and support his statement, which 
they extend to other objects that are very interesting. 
I was likewise charged in that mission with specu- 
lation, in consequence of a purchase which I made ol 
a house. The documents published show clearly the 
motive which led me into that measure, as they do 
my intention to offer it to my government, on my 
resignation and return, on the terms on which I 
bought it; being recalled, and the minister sent to 
teplace me not received, such an offer would have 



S36 JAMES MONROE 

been absurd. Besides, I was forced to sell it to ei> 
able me to leave the country ; and even then I lost 
one half of the price given for it, as I believe, in 
consequence of my recall and the circumstances under 
which I left it. An important examination of the 
state of our affairs on my arrival in France, the 
seizure of our vessels, jealousy of our views, and 
distress of our citizens there, and the change produced 
on my appeal and presentation to the convention, 
with the offer of a house, etc., will, I think, enable 
any candid person, aided by the documents referred 
to, to decide whether my motive in making that pur- 
chase was a private or a public one. That it had the 
desired effect was the opinion of all my fellow-citizens 
there, who liad earnestly advised me to it. 

The documents relating to my second mission are 
likewise very interesting. The call made on me by 
Mr. Jefferson, the manner of tlie call, and circum- 
stances under which I left the country, with the losses 
attending it, are fully shown, as are the consequences, 
resulting from the mission. Those were not known 
before, and the latter had been misrepresented and 
were by many misunderstood. They were never 
used to promote my election to any office. 

This memoir, with the remarks and documents, 
form a case between my country and me, and, being 
collected in a pamphlet, will be better understood 
and more easily preserved. If not true in a single 
instance, let it be shown. I know that they are true 
in every one, and am not afraid of the severest scru- 
tiny, should the proof presented be deemed inade* 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 231 

quate ill any circumstance. The preservation of them 
may tend to give a coloring, or rather character, to 
some of the wants to which they relate. 

With my conduct in the offices in tke city, at the 
most difficult periods, you are well acquainted in the 
outline, having been a large portion of the time in 
Congress, and in confidential communication with me. 
You know that I was called into the Department of 
War on a great emergency, and by that emergency, 
not by any desire of mine. Many circumstances, 
however, occurred while I was in that department, 
with wliich I wish to make you acquainted, and espe- 
cially those whicli relate to the measures taken for 
the defense of New Orleans in the late war. Re- 
presentations have been given of my conduct in that 
instance very injurious to me. 

To the gallantry and very meritorious conduct of 
General Jackson there, I have always done, and shall 
do, full justice. I wish, however, to make you fully 
acquainted with the part I have acted towards him 
in that and some other instances, which have since 
occurred. By such a view you will be able to judge 
whether I have acted fairly towards him, and taken 
responsibility on myself for him, from motives of 
friendship, or acted a different part. The papers, 
which I wish to show you, are original. I do not 
wish you to come here at this time, and am inclined 
to think you had better not. If you see no impro- 
priety in it, I will inclose to you the papers whichj 
after perusing them, I wish you to return to me 
immediately, and without showing or letting it be 



238 JAMES MONROE 

known to any person existing that you had ever seen 
them. 

On the question of republication and the subject 
to which it relates, above referred to, I shall be glad 
to receive your opinion when convenient. 

In these last years his quiet was disturbed by 
a controversy, already mentioned, as to the ac- 
tion of his cabinet in respect to the proceedings 
of General Jackson. The irritation appears to 
have begun in 1827. 

His son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, referring to 
an article which had appeared in a Tennessee 
paper, and reflected discredit on Monroe's ad- 
ministration, expressed to Monroe great surprise 
that such an article should have been written 
with Jackson's approbation. 

" That injustice might be attem])ted," he says (May 
24, 1827), "by the heated partisans of the day for 
their own purposes, I can readily conceive, but that 
General Jackson, with whom you have so long pre- 
served the most intimate relations of friendship, and 
whose public character you have so frequently sus 
tained during the most perilous periods of your ad 
ministration, should authorize that injustice, I shoulo 
not only be slow to believe but most deeply regret. 
It certainly is at variance with all the feelings I have 
ever entertained of his character, which I thought had 
been fully justified in all the incidents of his life. It 
is undoubtedly desirable that you should collect such 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 239 

evidences as are in your possession, and to which you 
may now have access, as rehite to the period in ques- 
tion. It is among the most interesting of our his- 
tory, and must be so regarded by posterity. How 
far it may be advisable to use them in any shape at 
this time, I think depends on what may occur here- 
after, and the circumstances which may arise to call 
for it. Your position is one of a defensive character, 
if necessary, and I do not think requires anything 
from you whicli may invite attack. When it comes 
I should consider you at full liberty to meet it by all 
the evidences of which you may be able to avail your- 
self." 

His dread of any financial action which should 
endanger the Union is clearly brought out in a 
letter to John C. Calhoun, February 16, 1830,^ 
in reply to one which he had received from his 
former secretary. 

" Nothing can be more distressing to me than the 
approach or possibility of a crisis, which may, in its 
consequences, endanger our Union. I trust, how- 
ever, that the ])atriotism, intelligence, and virtue of 
the people, and of those who may fill our public 
councils at the epoch you refer to, will rescue us from 
such a danger. Satisfied I am that nothing can be 
so calamitous to every section of the Union as a dis- 
memberment. With such an event our republican 
system would soon go to wreck ; wars would take 
place between the new States as they did between the 

^ Gouverneur MSS. 



MO JAMES MONROE 

ancient republics, and now do between the powers oi 
Europe ; and we to the south, where so large a por- 
tion of the population consists of slaves, would by do- 
mestic conjunctions be most apt to fall the victims. 

" From the close of our Revolution we have looked 
to the extinction of the public debt as a period of 
peculiar felicity. There is, I believe, no other gov- 
ernment or people in existence who are thus blessed. 
That this epoch should lay the foundation for such 
a calamity would be an event without example. 1 
think with you that the interesting questions which 
you state avUI, in the discussion, excite much feeling, 
and may, in the view which the different sections 
may take of their local interests, put them for a 
while in a marked opposition to each other. Each 
however will, I trust, weigh the subject calmly, and 
be willinc: to make some concession and even sacri- 
fices to save our republican system." 

There are many estimates of Monroe to be 
met with in the memoirs of his contemporaries. 
Washington's early praise has already been 
quoted. Jefferson said of him, " He is a man 
whose soul might be turned wrong side outwards 
without discovering a blemish to the world." 
Madison used this language : " His understand- 
ing was very much underrated ; his judgment 
was particularly good ; few men have made more 
of what may be called sacrifices in the service 
of the public." John Quincy Adams delivered 
a eulogy, the last pages of which glow with 



II 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 241 

praise " of a mind, anxious and unwearied in 
the pursuit of truth and right, patient of inquiry, 
patient of contradiction, courteous even in the 
collision of sentiment, sound in its ultimate 
judgments, and firm in its final conclusions." 
John McLean gave emphasis to the purity of 
his action in making executive appointments : — - 
" Personal motives, either as they regarded the 
President himself or the person appointed, were 
lost in higher considerations of duty." Web- 
ster, in 1825, declared that " the administration 
now closed had been in general higlily satisfac- 
tory to the country. It could not be said," he 
continued, " that that administration had either 
been supported or opposed by an}^ party associa- 
tions, or on any party jirinciples." Calhoun, the 
stern and stately Calhoun, is effusive in the terms 
which he employs when speaking of the Presi- 
dent in whose cabinet he served. One of the 
most elaborate estimates of Monroe's career is 
that of Benton, which deserves to be quoted. 

"Mr. Monroe had none of the mental quahtles 
which dazzle and astonish mankind ; but he had a 
discretion which seldom committed a mistake ; an 
integrity that always looked to tlie pubhc good ; a 
firmness of will which carried him resolutely upon 
his object ; a diligence which mastered every subject; 
and a perseverance that yielded to no obstacle or re- 
Verse. 



242 Ji^MES MONROE 

" He began his patriotic career in the military sei> 
vice at the commencement of the war of the Revolu^- 
tion, went into the General Assembly of his native 
State at an early age, and thence, while still young, 
into the Continental Congress. There he showed 
his character, and laid the foundation of his future 
political fortunes in his uncompromising opposition 
to the plan of a treaty with Spain, by which the 
navigation of the Mississippi was to be given up for 
twenty-five years in return for commercial privileges. 
It was the qualities of judgment and perseverance 
which he displayed on that occasion which brouglit 
him those calls to diplomacy in which he was after- 
wards so much employed with three of the then 
greatest European powers, — France, Spain, Great 
Britain. And it was in allusion to this circumstance 
that President Jefferson afterwards, when the right 
of deposit at New Orleans had been violated by 
Spain, and when a minister was wanted to recover it, 
said, ' Monroe is the man ; the defense of the Mis- 
sissippi belongs to him.' And under this appoint- 
ment he had the felicity to put his name to the treaty 
which secured the Mississippi, its navigation and all 
the territory drained by its western waters, to the 
United States forever. Several times in his life he 
seemed to miscarry and to fall from the top to the 
bottom of the political ladder, but always to reascend 
as high or higher than ever. Recalled by Washing- 
ton from the French mission, to which he had been 
appointed from the Senate of the United States, he 
returned to the starting point of his early career, the 



KETROSPECT — REPUTATION 243 

General Assembly of his State, served as a member 
from his county, was elected Governor, and from tliat 
post was restored by Jefferson to the French mission, 
soon to be followed by the embassies to Spain and 
England. Secoming estranged from Mr. Madison 
about the time of that gentleman's first election to 
the presidency, and having returned from his missions 
a little mortified that Mr. Jefferson had rejected his 
British treaty without sending it to the Senate, he 
was again at tlie foot of the political ladder, and aj)- 
parently out of favor with those who were at its top. 
Nothing despairing he went back to the old starting 
point, served again in the Virginia General Assem- 
bly, was again elected Governor, and from that post 
was called to the cabinet of Mr. Madison, to be 
his double secretary of state and Avar. He was the 
effective power in the declaration of war against Great 
Britain. His residence abroad had shown him that 
unavenged British wrongs were lowering our charac- 
ter with Europe, and that war with the ' mistress o£ 
the seas ' was as necessary to our respectability in 
the eyes of the world, as to the security of our citi- 
zens and commerce upon the ocean. He broughc up 
Mr. Madison to the war point. He drew the war 
report which the Committee on Foreign Relations 
presented to tlie House, that report which the ab- 
sence of Mr. Peter B. Porter, the chairman, and the 
hesitancy of Mr. Grundy, tlie second on the commit- 
tee, threw into tlie hands of Mr. Calhoun, the third 
on the list and the youngest of the committee, and 
the presentation of which immediately gave him a 



244 JAMES MONROE 

national reputation. Prime mover of the war, he 
was also one of its most efficient supporters, taking 
upon himself, when adversity pressed, the actual 
duties of war minister, financier, and foreign secre- 
tary at the same time. He was an enemy to all extra- 
vagance, to all intrigue, to all indirection in the con- 
duct of business. Mr. Jefferson's comprehensive and 
compendious eulogium upon him, as brief as true, 
was the faithful description of the man — ' honest 
and brave.' He was an enemy to nepotism, and no 
consideration or entreaty, no need of the support 
which an office would give, or intercession from 
friends, could ever induce him to appoint a relative 
to any place under the government. He had op- 
posed tlie adoption of the Constitution until amend- 
ments were obtained ; but these had, he became one 
of its Mrmest supporters, and labored faithfully, 
anxiously, and devotedly to administer it in its 
purity." 

On reviewing all that I have been able to 
read in print and in manuscript, and all I have 
been able to gather from the writings of others, 
the conclusion is forced on me that Monroe is 
not adequately appreciated by his countrymen. 
He has certainly been insufficiently known, be- 
cause no collection has been made of his numer- 
ous memoirs, letters, dispatcdies, and messages. 
That want is now [1898] about to be supplied 
by the collection already mentioned. He lias 
suffered also by comparison with four or fiv( 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 245 

illustrious men, his seniors in years and his supe- 
riors in genius, who were chiefly instruniental in 
establishing this government on its firm basis. 
He was not the equal of Washington in i)ru- 
dence, of Marshall in wisdom, of Hamilt{m in 
constructive power, of Jefferson in genius for 
politics, of Madison in persistent ability to 
think out an idea and to persuade others of its 
importance. He was in early life enthusiastic 
to rashness, he was a devoted adherent of par- 
tisan views, he was sometimes despondent and 
sometimes irascible ; but as he grew older his 
judgment was disciplined, his self-control became 
secure, his patriotism overbalanced the consider- 
ations of party. Political opponents rarely as- 
sailed the purity of his motives or the honesty of 
his conduct. He was a very good civil service re- 
former, firmly set against appointments to office 
lor any unworthy reason. He was never exposed 
to the charge of nepotism, and in the choice of 
officers to be appointed he carefully avoided the 
recognition of family and friendly ties. His hands 
were never stained with pelf. He grew poor in 
the public service, because he neglected his pri- 
vate affairs and incurred large outlays in the 
discharo-e of official duties under circumstances 
which demanded liberal expenditure. He was 
extremely reticent as to his religious sentiments, 
at least in all that he wrote. Allusions to his 



246 JAMES MONROE 

belief are rarely if ever to be met with in his 
correspondence. He was a faithful husband, 
father, master, neighbor, friend. He was indus- 
trious, serions, temperate, domestic, affectionate. 
He carried with him to the end of his life the 
good-will and respect both of his seniors and 
juniors. Many of those who worked with him, 
besides those already quoted, have left on record 
their appreciation of his abilities and their es- 
teem for his character. 

His numerous state papers are not remark- 
able in style or in thought, but his views were 
generally sound, the position which he took in 
later life on public questions was approved by 
the public voice, and his administration is known 
as the "era of good feeling." His attention 
does not seem to have been called in any special 
manner to the significance of slavery as an ele- 
ment of political discord, or as an evil in itself. 
If he foresaw, he did not foretell the great con- 
flict. He does not seem expert in the principles 
of national finance, though his views are often 
expressed on such matters. 

The one idea which he represents consistently 
from the beginning to the end of his career is this, 
that America is for Americans. He resists the 
British sovereignty in his early youth ; he insists 
on the importance of free navigation in the Mis- 
sissippi ; he negotiates the purchase of Louisiana 



RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 247 

and Florida ; lie gives a vigorous impulse to tlie 
prosecution of the second war with Great Britain, 
when neutral rights were endangered ; finally he 
announces the " Monroe doctrine." 

It is clear that he was under pTeat obliaations 
to Jefferson. The aid and counsel of this saaa- 
cious man are apparent from the time when 
Monroe began the study of law, in adverse and 
in prosperous times, in public and in private 
matters, throughout their long lives. Madison's 
friendship wa.s also a powerful support. But 
both these men could not have sustained ]Mon- 
roe through his varied career, in circumstances 
which required po2:>ular approbation, if he had 
not possessed some very uncommon qualities. 
As a youth he must have been bright and attrac- 
tive. In early manhood he was devoted to his 
party beyond reasonable requirements, so that he 
nearly involved the country in war. As he grew 
older he was less of a partisan. He retained 
an accurate remembrance of the men and mea- 
sures with which he had been associated, and 
he acquired experience in almost every variety 
of public station, the judiciary excepted, until 
he reached the very highest office in the land. 
He was trained for the presidency in the school 
of affairs and not in a ring. An ideal prepara- 
tion for the duties of that high station would 
hardly involve any kind of discipline to which 



248 JAMES MONROE 

the business of life had not subjected him. He 
made enemies ; the Federalists, South as well as 
North, disliked him and undervalued him ; but 
notwithstandino- their hostile criticism lie sus- 
tained himself so well that but one electoral 
vote was given against his reelection, and it is 
said that this was cast by an elector who did not 
wish to see a second President chosen with the 
same unanimity which had honored Washington. 

When the collected writings of Monroe come 
before the public, as they soon will, his work 
will be more accurately estimated, and I think 
more highly valued. Partisan as he was, often 
exposed to censure from the Federalists, never 
rising to the highest statesmanship except when 
fie announced the Monroe doctrine, he will 
always appear patriotic, indefatigable, and un- 
selfish. As a legislator, envoy, cabinet min- 
ister, and president, he was true, often under 
trying circumstances, to the idea of American 
independence from European interference. 

Monroe died in New York, July 4, 1831, and 
was buried there with appropriate honors. Years 
afterward Virginians desired that his dust should 
minole with the soil of his native State. His 
body was carried to Richmond, under the escort 
of a favorite regiment of New York, and re- 
interred in the public cemetery just one hundred 
years after his eyes first saw the light. 



APPENDIX 



GENEALOGY 

I HAVE not been successful In tracing the pedigree 
of James Monroe. Mr. R. C. Brock, of the Virginia 
Historical Society, has kindly searched the Virginia 
archives, and finds that successive grants of land were 
made to Andrew Monroe from 1650 to 1662, and to 
John Monroe from 1695 to 1719. He has also come 
upon an old statement that Andrew Monroe came to 
this country in 1660, after the defeat of the royal 
army, in which he had the rank of major, and settled 
in Westmoreland County, Virginia. With this cita- 
tion it is well to compare a recent paragraph, in 
respect to the Monroes of Eastern Massachusetts, in 
F. B. Sanborn's " Life of Thoreau : " — 

" The Monroes of Lexino-ton and Concord are de- 
scended from a Scotch soldier of Charles II.'s army, 
captured by Cromwell at the battle of AYorcester in 
1651, and allowed to go into exile in America. His 
powerful kinsman, General George Monro, who com- 
manded for Charles at the battle of Worcester, was> 



250 APPENDIX 

at tlie Restoration, made commander-in-chief for Scot 
land." ^ 

Mr. Brock suggests that the family of Jones, to 
which the mother of James Monroe belongs, was the 
same with that of Adjutant-General Robert Jones, 
Commodore Thomas Catesby Jones, General Walker 
fones, and other distinguished Americans. 

The private residence of Monroe during the latter 
part of his life was at Oak Hill, near Aldle, Loudoun 
County, Virginia, on a turnpike running south from 
Leesburg to Aldie, about nine miles from the former 
and tliree from the latter place. 

Major R. W. N. Noland has been so kind as to 
prepare, at the suggestion of Professor J. M. Gar- 
nett of the University of Virginia, a sketch of Oak 
Hill, as follows : — 

The Oak Hill house was planned by Mr. Monroe, but 
the building superintended by Mr. William Benton, an 
Englishman, who occupied the mixed relation to Mr. Mon- 
roe of steward, counselor, and friend. The house is built 
of brick in a most substantial manner, and handsomely 
finished ; it is, perhaps, about 90 x 50 feet, three stories 
(including basement), and has a wide portico, fronting 
south, with massive Doric columns thirty feet high, and is 
surrounded by a grove of magnificent oaks covering sev- 
eral acres. While the location is not as commanding as 
many others in that section, being in lower Loudoun where 
the rolling character of the Piedmont region begins to 
loose itself in the flat lands of tide water, the house iu 
two directions commands an attractive and somewhat ex- 

^ Compare Savage, New England Genealogical Dictionart/f 
Hi. 256, 257. 



APPENDIX 251 

tensive view, but on the other sides it is hemmed in by 
luoiiutains, for the local names of which, " Bull iiun " and 
" Nigger Mountain," it is to be hoped the late President 
is in no wise responsible, and, indeed, the same may be 
said of the river or creek which breaks tlirough these 
ranges within a mile or two of Oak Hill. Tom Moore, 
in a poetic letter as brilliant as it is ill-natured, satirizing 
Washington city, writes, "And what was Goose Creek 
once is Tiber now ; " but the fact is that no such stream 
is found in the neighborhood of the national capital. The 
little stream that washes the confines of the Oak Hill 
estate once bore the Indian name Gohongarestaw (the 
River of Swans), and is now called Goose Creek. The 
following anecdote connected with Oak Hill is, perhaps, 
worthy of preservation. On the occasion of Lafayette's 
visit to Loudoun, a large number of distinguished guests 
were entertained at Oak Hill. It was at the dinner 
in Leesburg, given to Lafayette, that Mr. Adams drank 
the celebrated toast to the "Patriots of the Revolutioa 
— like the Sibylline leaves, the fewer they become, the 
more precious they are." In riding back to Oak Hill, 
Mr. Adams, Major William Nolaud, and Mr. Hay were 
thrown together, when the last-named gentleman, with 
an apology for the seeming impertinence, asked Mr. Ad- 
ams where he conceived the beautiful sentiment he had 
that day drunk. Mr. Adams said that the toast was in- 
spired that morning by a sight of the picture of the Sibyl 
that hung in the Oak Hill hall. " How strange ! " saif' 
Mr. Hay, " / have been looking at that picture for years 
and that thought never occurred to may 

There are several quite good pictures of the Oak Hill 
house extant — one on Taylor's map of Loudoun County, 
and others in the histories of Virginia (for example, io 
Howe's " Historical Collections of Virginia," p. 356). 



252 APPENDIX 



II 



WASHINGTON S NOTES UPON THE APPENDIX TO MON« 
roe's " VIEW OF THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECU- 
TIVE," NOW FIRST PRINTED 

[From the copy by Mr. Sparks now owned by the 
Library of Cornell University. The figures indicate the 
pages in the appendix to Monroe's " View," from which 
catch-words are taken, introducing the notes written by 
Washington on his copy.] 

Page 119 — '■'■jealousy and distrust.'' 

Principally because he asserted our rights and 
claimed redress. 

On what ground the suspicion, when it was a noto- 
rious fact that (we) were upon the worst terms short 
of open war with G. Britain ? 

His communications with the French Govt, con- 
tradict this, and accounts [sic'] satisfactorily for the 
delay of the reception, as may be seen by reference 
thereto. 

Page 120 — " that I should pursue ? '* 

As nothing but justice, and the fulfillment of a con- 
tract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with 
temperance [sic~\ in the pursuit of it. 

Page 120 — " were closed against me." 

This appears nowhere but in his own conjectures 
and o/T^er-assertions, for from his own account at the 



APPENDIX 253 

time the delay of his reception was satisfactorily ex 
plained, and had been the cause of another waiting of 
six weeks.^ See his letter of the 25 of Aug., p. 16. 

Page 120 — ^^ place a greater confidence ? " 

By whom were they advised ? and what evidences 
are alluded to ? 

Page 122 — " and then defy us.''' 

Was a good understanding to be interrupted be- 
cause we were endeavoring to live in peace with all 
the world ? and were only asking from France what 
we were entitled to by treaty ? 

Page 122 — *' in favour of that administration : " 

It is not understood what is here meant by conces- 
sion. None was asked, or any \_sic~\ thought of being 
made. 

Page 122 — " decisively on the declhie.^' 

It will not* be denied, it is presumed [sic], that 
there had been and might again be great viscissitudes 
in their affairs, bothe [stc] externally and internally. 
Prudence and policy therefore required, that the 
Govt, of the U. S. should move with great circum- 
spection. 

Page 123 — " the point in question.*' 
A very singular mode truly to obtain it, but look 

1 This " waiting- of six weeks " refers to the delay in receiv 
ing the ministei" of Geneva. — Editor. 



254 APPENDIX 

to letter of Nov. 7**^, 1794, pp. 58, 59, and judge 
whether it would not have been accomplished sooner 
if he had desired it ; — and what can he mean by not 
conceding, when in explicit terms he has declared 
that the point, if upon consideration they desired it, 
would have been given up with pleasure 1 

Page 123 — " upon the slightest intimation.''^ 
That is to say, if we would not press them to do 
us justice, but have yielded to their violations, they 
would \_sic\ aided us in every measure, which would 
have cost them nothing. 

Page 124 — '''■ froTn the western jposts^^ 

By what means were the British to be expelled 
from the Western posts, without first conquering 
Canada, or passing thro' the territory of the U. S., 
and would not the latter, by the law of nations, have 
been a cause of war ? The truth is Mr. Manroe [sic] 
was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange 
things. In return he did, or was disposed to do, 
whatever was pleasing to that nation ; reluctantly 
urging the rights of his own. 

Page 140 — " in the second the whole.^^ 

This is a mistake, — no such promise to be found 
in the 2^ letter. See p. 105, Nov. 25*\ 

Page 140 — " ^0 me on the subject ? " 
The intention was to enable him on the veracity 
and authority of the negotiator of the Treaty to assert, 



APPENDIX 255 

that there was nothing contained in it repugnant to 
our engagement with France, and that was all that 
they or he had a right to expect. 

Page 147 — '^ power alone to make it, etc." 

And this ought to have satisfied the French Govt. 
It was as much as tliat Govt, would have done for us 
or any other nation. 

Page 148 — " my secretary, Mr. Gauvain " 

Here is a striking instance of his folly. This 
secretary of his was a foreigner — it is believed a 
Frenchman — introduced no doubt to his confidence 
and papers for the sole purpose of communicating to 
the Directory the secrets of his office. 

Page 160 — " with you in June next." 

The sufferings of our citizens are always a sec- 
ondary consideration when put in competition with 
the embarrassments of the French. 

Page 161 — " reasons above suggested." 

Hence is a disregard shown to repeated orders of 
his government to press this matter. 

Pao-e 207 — " me to do it here." 
What inference is to be drawn from this declara- 
tion ? What light is it in Philadelphia, that is to dis- 
cover the sense of the French Govt, in Paris, before 
it was divulged there ? — except the conduct of the 
French party by whom the wheels were to be moved ^ 



856 APPENDIX 

Page 210 — " of this government,^* 

If he does not mean himself here, it is not difficult 
to guess who the other character is marked out hy 
this description. 

Page 210 — " of what hind Tmist it be f '* 
War was the suggestion, and is here repeated. 
This has no horrors when waged in favor of France, 
but dreadful even in thought when it is against her. 

Page 297 — " decide in his case.'* 
Mr. Fenwick was accused of covering hy the 
American flag French money under false invoices, 
but Mr. M. could readily excuse this breach of faith 
in his office. 

Page 313 — ^^ furnished lose its force.'* 
England before the late treaty with the TJ. S. and 
France were different in their commercial relations 
with America. 

Page 314 — " than in precise terms ; ** 
For the best reason imaginable ; because none 
could be urged that had any weight in them. 

Pajre 321 — '' the United States have tahen** 
Only in cases where the captors have contravened 
the treaty — acting contrary to the laws of nations 
— or our own municipal laws. 



APPENDIX 257 

Page 322 — ^'■prizes into those ports.'* 

A single instance only of a prize being brought in 
is recollected, and against it a strong remonstrance 
was made ; — without prizes, ships of war are not 
restrained by the Treaty. 

Page 322 — " executing their judgments.** 

No interruption has been given to this. To carry 
their own judgments into effect has constituted the 
difficulty, — and in its nature it is nearly impossible 
to do it. 

Page 322 — " certified by the consuls.** 

This is the French construction of the Act. The 
Judiciary of the U. S. interpret it otherwise ; over 
whom the Executive have [sic~\ no control. 

Page 322 — " safeguard of their flag** 

This arrestation was for an offense committed 
against the law of nations and those of the U. S. 
and has been explained over and over again. See 
the Sec^y of State's Letter, 13'^ of June, p. 364. 

Page 323 — " merited an example.** 
What more could the U. S. do than was done ? See 
the Sec*y of State's Letter, Sept. 14*\ 1795, p. 292. 

Page 323 — " least contested, of neutrality .** 
These are assertions upon false premises. Strange 
indeed would it be if the U. S. could not make a 



258 APPENDIX 

treaty without the consent of the French Govt, when 
that treaty infracted no prior engagements, but eX' 
pressly recognizes and conlirms them. 

Pao-e 323 — " the principles of nmitrality ? " 
They have given nothing, but left those principles 
precisely upon the ground they stood [sic] before 
the Treaty ; with some explanations favorable to 
the U. S. and not injurious to France. They have 
made nothing conti\iband, that was not contraband 
before ; — nor was it in their power to obtain from 
G. B. a change, which the Armed Neutrality, (as it 
was called) could not when combined accomplish. 

Page 345 — " and tvithmit delay." 
How strangely inconsistent are his accounts ! 

Page 356 — " 7n.ost strict reciprocity,'* 
From hence it follows, that if A makes a contract 
with B, and C will not make a similar contract with 
him, B will not be bound by his contract, although 
the cases are unconnected with each other [sic]. 

Page 359 — " cmirse of the present war.'* 
All this he ought to have done, and was instructed 
to do in the beginning ; and had it been urged with 
firmness and temperance, might have prevented the 
evils which have taken place since. 

Page 359 — " my duty would permit ; " 
And a great deal more than his duty permitted 



APPENDIX 259 

Page 371 — " the merit of this delay ; " 

By implication he has done this in a variety oi 
instances. 

Page 371 — " was the true cause ofit^ 

That is, by not pressing the execution of the 
Treaty ; and for compensation to our suffering citi- 
zens. This no doubt was accommodating and pleas- 
ing one party at the expense of the other. 

Page 374 — " he 2^cissed hy unnoticed.'* 

Did Irance expect, that the U. S. could compel 
G. B. to relinquish this right under the law of na- 
tions, while \_sic^ the other maritime powers of 
Europe (as has been observed before), when com- 
bined for the purpose were unable to effect [s/cj. 
Why then call it an abandonment ? 

Page 377 — " what they did avow.** 

This is all external and a flimsy covering of their 
designs. Why else send their emissaries through 
that country to inculcate different principles among 
the inhabitants, a fact that could be substantiated. 

Page 390 — '^ nations had sworn to.*' 
Yes, Citizen, and every one else who can read are 
[sic] acquainted with [sic'] facts ; and your violations 
of our rights under the Treaty prove (?) it also. 



260 APPENDIX 

Page 391 — " he made through you.'^ 
The treatment of our minister, Gen^ Pinckney, is 
a pretty evidence of this ; — the thot' [sic] of parting 
with Mr. Monroe was insupportable by them. 



Ill 

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MONROE, AND THE MONROE 

DOCTRINE 

PREPARED FOR THIS WORK BY J. F. JAMESON, PH. D. 

The following bibliography has been prepared 
with a view to the needs of persons specially study- 
ing the career of Monroe, rather than to those of 
the general reader. Hence it does not ordinarily in- 
clude references to the most familiar sources, such as 
the State Papers, the published correspondence of 
Washington, etc., and the standard histories. It 
aims to include nothing that does not bear directly 
upon Monroe or the Monroe Doctrine ; nor, in even 
the limited area thus marked out, can it hope to be 
complete. The titles under A are arranged alpha- 
betically by authors ; those under B chronologically ; 
those under C first chronologically, according to the 
period of Monroe's public life to which they refer, 
and then alphabetically by authors. At least one 
Jocality of a book or pamphlet, unless it be a common 
one, has been designated when known. In such de- 
signations, at the end of the title, A indicates the 
existence of a copy in the Astor Library ; B, in the 



APPENDIX 261 

Boston Public Library ; BA, in that of the Boston 
Atheiiseum ; C, in the Library of Congress ; H, ir. 
that of Harvard College ; JCB, in the John Carter 
Brown Library ; JH. in that of the Johns Hopkins 
University ; M, in the Massachusetts State Library ; 
MH, in that of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; 
N, in the New York State Library ; NH, in that of 
the New York Historical Society ; P, in that of the 
PhiladeljDhia Library Company ; S, in that of the 
Department of State ; W, in that of the American 
Antiquarian Society at Worcester. The Maryland 
Historical Society is supplied with most of the works 
to which reference has been made in the preparation 
of this volume. 

SYyopsis. 

A. Biographical. 

B. Published Writings of Monroe. 

C. Publications relating to the Public Career cb 

THE Writings of Monroe. 

1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View." 

2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. 

3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. 

4. Period of Cabinet Office. 

5. Presidency. 

6. Subsequent Period. 

D. The Monroe Doctrine. 

1. Its Immediate Origin. 

2. Discussion of it in Treatises on International Law. 

3. In more Special Treatises and Articles. 
a. American. b. European. 

4. Occasions on which it has been applied. 
a. The Panama Congress. 

6. Yucatan. 



262 APPENDIX 

c. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. 

d. Central America, 1845-1860. 

e. Cuba, etc., 1850-1898. 

f. French Intervention in Mexico. 

g. The Inter-oceanic Canal. 

h. America North of the United States. 
i. The Pan-American Conference. 
J. The Venezuela-Guiana Boundary. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
A. BlOGKAPHICAIi. 

John Quincy Adams : An Eulogy on the Life and Character 
of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, . . . 
delivered at . . . Boston, August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831. 
Svo, pp. 100. BA, N. (See [John Armstrong] under C. 6, 
p. 277.) 

John Quincy Adams ; Lives of Celebrated Statesmen. [Madi- 
son, Lafayette, and Monroe.] New York, 1846. 8vo, pp. 
105. N. 

John Quincy Adams : The Lives of James Madison and James 
Monroe, Fourth and Fifth Presidents of the United States. 
With Historical Notices of their Administrations. Buffalo, 
1850. 12mo, pp. 432. C. + i Philadelphia, 1854. M. 

S. L. Gouverneur : Introduction to ' ' The People, the Sover- 
eigns," by James Monroe. See under B. 

S. L. K[napp] : in James B. Longacre and James Herring, 
National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, vol. 
8. Philadelphia, 1836. 8vo. 

[S. L. Knapp] : James Monroe, [n. p., n. d.] 8vo, pp. 10. 
(Portrait.) 

Lippincott's Magazine, first series, vol. 9, p. 359. 

A Narrative of a Tour of Observation, made during the Sum- 
mer of 1817, by James Monroe, President of the United 
States, through the North-Eastern and North- Western De- 
partments of the Union ; with a View to the Examination of 

1 The sign -|- indicates another edition. 



APPENDIX 263 

their several Military Defenses. With an Appendix. Phila- 
delphia, 1818. 12mo, pp. 228, xxxvi. B, C, N. 

New England Magazine, vol. 1, p. 178. 

New York Mirror, vol. 12 [183^-5], p. 41. (Portrait.) 

Niles' Register, vol. 10, p. 4, March 2, 1816; from the 
National Advocate. Also, December 8, 1825, and vol. 35, 
p. 68. Also, vol. 40, p. 369, July 23, 1831. 

Order of Exercises at the Old South Church, Commemorative 
of . . . James Monroe. . . . August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831, 
Svo, pp. 8. B. 

T. Paine: Anecdote of James Monroe and Rufus King, in 
Political Writings. London, 1844. BA, C. 

Portfolio, vol. 19, p. 251 : fourth series, vol. 5. Philadelphia, 
April, 1818. (Portrait.) 

William O. Stoddard: The Lives of the Presidents: James 
Madison, James Monroe, and J. Q. Adams, pp. 128-224. 
New York, 1887. Pp. 331. 12mo, 20 cm. 

R. W. Thompson: Personal Recollections of Sixteen Presi- 
dents. Indianapolis, 1894. 

^. Putnam Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the 
United States, in the year 1817, through the States of Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, 
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, 
and Ohio ; together with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 

1818. 12mo, pp. 300. BA. 

S. P. Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the United 
States, through the Northern and Eastern States, in 1817 ; 
his Tour in 1818, with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 

1819. 12mo. C. 

In Edwin Williams : The Statesman's Manual. New York, 
1847. Svo, vol. 1. 

Udolpho Wolfe : Grand Civic and Military Demonstration in 
Honor of the Removal of the Remains of James Monroe, 
Fifth President of the United States, from New York to 
Virginia. New York, 1858. 12mo, pp. 324. C. 
(And numerous unimportant notices in lives of the presl 

dents, cyclopaedias, and biographical dictionaries.) 



264 APPENDIX 

B. Published Writings of Monroe, 

(in addition to the messages, dispatches, and letters wliich 
may be found in familiar sources. Manuscripts of Monroe'3 
public papers are in the possession of the Department of 
{State ; much of his private correspondence is in the possession 
of Mrs. S. L. Gouverneur, Jr., of Washington.) 

The Writings of James Monroe. Edited by Stanislaus Murray 
Hamilton. [In six or seven volumes.] New York. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, 1898, et seq. 

The first volume of this collection, — the only one that 
has yet appeared, July, 1898, — contains reprints of the two 
following : — 

Some Observations on the Constitution. Pp. 24, small quarto. 
(A copy, thought to be unique, was recently found by 
Mr. John P. Weissenhagen, of the Bureau of Rolls and 
Library, in the Department of State.) 

Observations upon the Proposed Plan of Federal Government. 
With an Attempt to answer some of the Principal Objections 
that have been made to it. By a Native of Virginia. Peters- 
burg. Planted by Hunter and Prentis. 1788. Pp. (34, 
small quarto. (A copy, supposed to be unique, is in the 
Library of the Department of State.) 

A View of the Conduct of the Executive, in the Foreign 
Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to 
the French Republic in the years 1794, '5, and '6. By James 
Monroe. . . . Illustrated by his Instructions and Correspond-^ 
ence and other Authentic Documents. Philadelphia, 1797. 
8vo, pp. Ixvi., 407. + Same, the Second Edition. London, 
1798. 8vo, pp. viii., 117. + Same, the Third Edition. 
London, 1798. 8vo, pp. xvi., 117. (See London Monthly 
Review, vol. 25, p. 232.) 

Governor's Letter to the Speaker and House of Delegates of 
Virginia, 6th December, 1802. Richmond, 1802. 12mo. C. 

A Letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 



APPENDIX 2G5 

States to Lord Mulgravejate Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs. With [James Madison] : An Examination of tlie 
British Doctrine which subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade 
not open in Time of Peace, [n. p.] 1800. 8vo, pp. 204. 
+ Second Edition. London, 1806. B, C. 

Correspondence between . . . Thomas Jefferson, President of 
the United States, and James Monroe, Esq. . . . Boston, 
1808. 4to, pp. 8. BA. 

Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the sub- 
ject of the attack on the Chesapeake. The Correspondence 
of Mr. Monroe with the British Government ; and also Mr. 
Madison's Correspondence with Mr. Rose, on tlie same sub- 
ject. Washington, 1808. 8vo. (Peabody Library, Balti- 
more.) 

Letters of James Madison ... to Mr. Monroe on . . . Im- 
pressments, etc. Also Extracts from, and Enclosures in, 
the Letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. Wash- 
ington, 1808. 8vo, pp. 130. B, MH. 

Defence of the Mission to England. . . . Washington, 1808. 
8vo. 

Letters between James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State of 
the United States, and Augustus J. Foster, Esq., . . . 
Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty ; in rela- 
tion to the Orders in Council, and the Affair of the Little 
Belt. To which is added, the Declaration of War. New 
York, 1812. 12mo, pp. 59. B. 

To all who are honestly searching after the Truth. Mr. Mon- 
roe's Letter on the Rejected Treaty between the United 
States and Great Britain, concluded by Messrs. Monroe and 
Pinkney. Also the Treaty itself, and Documents connected 
with it. Portland, 1813. 8vo, pp. 52. BA, C. 

Commercial Regulations of Foreign Countries. [Message.] 
Washington, 1819. BA. 

Message from the President, transmitting Sundry Papers re- 
lating to Transactions in East and West Florida. April 19, 
1822. [Washington, 1822.] Pp. 46. P. 

Message transmitting a Digest of the Ccmmercial Regulations 



B66 APPENDIX 

of the Different Foreign Nations. Washington, 1824. 18tl| 
Congress, 1st Session, House Doc. No. 130. BA, M. 

Message transmitting a Report of the Secretary of the Navy. 
Washington, 1824. 8vo. C. 

Correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Monroe, as 
published in the National Intelligencer. Washington, 1824. 
12rao. , N. 

The Memoir of James Monroe, Esq., relating to his Unsettled 
Claims upon the People and Government of the United 
States. [With documents.] Charlottesville, Va., 1828. 
8vo, pp. 60. BA, C, NH. 

A Letter from James Monroe, in Answer to . . . Questions 
[on War and Slavery, etc.] . . . [n. p., 1863 ?] 8vo, pp. 
32. H. 

The People, the Sovereigns, Being a Comparison of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States with those of the Repiiblicks, 
which have existed before, with the Causes of their Deca- 
dence and Fall. By James Monroe. Edited by S. L. Gou- 
vemeur. Philadelphia, 1867. 12mo, pp. 274. (See, under 
C 6, C. C. Hazewell, p. 277.) 

Calendar of the Correspondence of James Monroe. [Bulletin 
of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of the Department of 
State, No. 2.] Washington, 1893. Pp. 371. 

C. Publications relating to the Public Career ob 
THE Writings of Monroe. 

1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View^ 

Alexander Addison : Observations on the Speech of Albert 

Gallatin on the Foreign Intercourse Bill. Washington, Pa., 

1798. 8vo. 
An Address on the Past, Present, and Eventual Relations of 

the United States to France. By Anticipation. New York, 

[1803]. 8vo, pp. 20. A. 
P. A. Adet: Notes adress^es par le citoyen Adet, Ministre 

Pl^nipotentiaire de la Rdpublique Frangaise pr^s les Etats« 



APPENDIX 267 

Unis d'Am^rique, Au Secretaire d'fitat des Etats-Unis. 
Philadelphia, 170(). 8vo, pp. U5. + Same, translated. 

[P. A. Adet] : Authentic Translation of a Note from the Min- 
ister of the French Republic to the Secretary of State of the 
United States. New York, 1796. . 8vo, pp. 38. N. (See, 
also, Wm. Cobbett.) 

The Anti-Gallican ; or, The Lover of his own Country ; in a 
Series of Pieces . . . wherein French Influence, and False 
Patriotism, are fully and fairly displayed. By a Citizen of 
New England. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 82. (Includes 
Letters on Pseudo-Patriots, by Ascanius ; of which No. VL 
is on James Monroe.) H. 

Camillus, pseud. : History of French Influence in the United 
States. Philadelphia, 1812. M. 

[William Cobbett] : A History of the American Jacobins, 
commonly denominated Democrats. By Peter Porcupine. 
In Wm. Playfair, The History of Jacobinism. Philadelphia, 
1795. P. 

[William Cobbett] : The Gros Mosqueton Diplomatique ; or, 
Diplomatic Blunderbuss, containing- Citizen Adet's Notes to 
the Secretary of State, as also his Cockade Proclamation. 
With a Preface by Peter Porcupine. Philadelphia, 1796. 
8vo, pp. 72. C. 

William Cobbett : Porcupine's Works. London, 1801. 8vo. 
[Vol. iv. contains The Diplomatic Blunderbuss (Oct. 81, 
1796) ; Political Censor, No. vi. (Nov. 1796) ; A Brief 
Statement of the Injuries and Insults received from France 
(Feb. 1797). In vol. v. pp. 131-138 ; vol. vi. pp. 12, 13, 
92-98, 116-124, 358-376, 414-417 ; vol. vii. pp. 90-95, 151- 
156, are notices of Monroe's doing's, from Porcupine's Ga- 
zette, 1797. Vol. X., Dr. Morse's Exposition of French In- 
trig-ue in America.] 

Coup d'oeil sur la situation des affaires entre la France et les 
Etats-Unis de rAra^rique. 1798. 8vo, pp. 28. BA. 

J. Dennis : Address on the Orig-in, Progress, and Present State 
of French Aggression. Philadelphia, 1798. BA. 

Wm. Duane : A History of the French Revolution, with a 



268 APPEISTDIX 

free Examination of the Dispute between the French and 
American Republics. Philadelphia, 1798. 4to. 

Joseph Fauchet : Coup d'ceil sur I'^tat actuel de nos rapports 
politiques avec les Etats-Unis de I'Am^rique Septentrionale ; 
par J. Fauchet, Ex-ministre de la R^publique k Philadel- 
phie. Paris, an V. [1797.] 8vo, pp. 42. H. 

Joseph Fauchet : A Sketch of the Present State of our Po- 
litical Relations with the United States of North America. 
. . . Translated by the Editor of the " Aurora." [Wm. J. 
Duane.] Philadelphia, 1797. Svo, pp. 31. BA. 

A Five Minutes' Answer to Paine's Letter to Washington, 
London, 1797. Svo, pp. 44. MH. (See below, T. Paine.) 

[Albert Gallatin] : An Examination of the Conduct of the 
Executive of the United States toward the French Repub- 
lic ; ... In a Series of Letters. By a Citizen of Pennsyl- 
vania. Philadelphia, 1797. Svo, pp. vi., 72. BA. 

Albert Gallatin : The Speech of Albert Gallatin, delivered in 
the House of Representatives ... on the First of March 
1798. Upon the Foreign Litercourse Bill. [n. p., 1798.] 
Svo, pp. 48. (And other Editions.) BA, H, MH, P, JCB. 

[A. G. Gebhardt] : Actes et M^moires concernant les n^go- 
ciations qui ont eu lieu entre la France et les Etats-Unis 
d'Am^rique. [1793-1800.] Londres, 1807. 3 vols. 12mo. 
BA. 

A. G. Gebhardt : State Papers relating to the Diplomatick 
Transactions between the American and French Govern- 
ments. [1793-1800.] London, 1816. 3 vols. Svo. BA. 

L. Goldsmith : An Exposition of the Conduct of France to 
America, illustrated by Cases decided in the Council of 
Prizes in Paris. [1793-1808.] London, 1810. Svo, pp. 133. 
(Various other editions.) B, BA, H. 

[Alexander Hamilton.] See [Uriah Tracy], below. 

H. G. Harper : Observations on the Dispute between the 
United States and France, addressed by Robert Goodloe 
Harper, Esq., of South Carolina, to his Constituents in 
May, 1797. Philadelphia, 1797. Svo, pp. 102. (And 
twenty other editions.) B, BA, H, NH, P. 



APPENDIX 2G9 

R. G. Harper : Mr. Harper's Speech on the Foreig'n Intercourse 
Bill, in Reply to Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Gallatin. Delivered. 
in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 
second of March, 1798. [n. p., n. d.] 8vo, pp. 43. (And 
other editions.) B, H, MH, NH, P. 

R. G. Harper : A short Account of the principal Proceedings 
of Congress in the late Session, and a Sketch of the State 
of Affairs between the United States and France, in July, 
1798, in a Letter to one of his Constituents. Philadelphia, 
1798. 8vo. 

P. Kennedy : An Answer to Mr. Paine's Letter to General 
Washington ; or, Mad Tom convicted of the Blackest In- 
gratitude. London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 55. JCB. 

A liCtter to Thomas Paine, in Answer to his Scurrilous Epis- 
tle .. . to Washington . . . By an American Citizen. New 
York, 1797. 8vo, pp. 24. 

L'lnd^pendance absolue des Am^ricains des Etats-Unis, prou- 
v^e par I'^tat aetuel de leur Commerce avec les Nations 
Europ^ennes. Paris, 1798. 8vo, pp. 149. (Written by an 
American merchant, in answer to Fauchet, Coup d'oeil, 
above.) 

Thomas Paine : A Letter to George Washington, President of 
the United States, on Affairs Public and Private. Phila- 
delphia, 1796. Svo, pp. 76. (And other editions.) B, BA, 
H. (Also in vol. i. of Works. Philadelphia, 1854. 12mo.) 

E. C. J. Pastoret : Conseil des Cinq-Cents: motion d'ordre sur 
I'^tat de nos rapports politiques et commerciaux avec les 
Etats-Unis de I'Am^rique septentrionale. Paris, an V. 
[1797]. 8vo, pp. 26. BA. 

[Timothy Pickering] : Lettre du Secretaire d'Etat des Etats- 
Unis de FAm^rique an G^n^ral Charles C. Pinckney, Mi- 
nistre Pl^nipotentiaire des dits Etats-Unis pr^s la R^publique 
Frangaise ; en reponse aux diff^rentes plaintes faites contra 
le gouvernement des Etats-Unis par le Ministre FrauQaia 
. . . 1796. Paris, 1797. 8vo, pp. 62. 

Timothy Pickering and P. A. Adet : Review of the Adminisi 
tration of the United States since '93. Boston, 1797. BA. 



270 APPENDIX 

C. C Tang-uy de la Boissiere : Observations sur la d^peche 
^crite le 16 Jan., 1797, par M. Pickering-, Secretaire d'Etat 
des Etats-Unis de FAra^rique, k M. Pinkney, Ministre Pl^ni- 
potentiaire des Etats-Unis pr6s la R^publique Fran^aise. 
Philadelphie, 1797. Also, translated. BA, C. 

[Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : Reflections on 
Monroe's View, ... as published in the Gazette of the 
United States under the Signature of Scipio. [n. p., n. d.] 
8vo, pp. 88. BA, P. 

[Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : [Scipio's] Reflec- 
tions on Mom'oe's View. . . . Boston, 1798. 8vo, pp. 140. 
C, H, M. 

George Washington : Notes on Monroe's View, Sparks, xi. 
504-529. (His Notes on the Appendix to the View are 
printed in Appendix III of this book.) 

[R. Walsh] : An Enquiry into the Past and Present Relations 
of France and the United States of America. [London, 
1811.] 8vo, pp. 87. (Reprinted from the American Review, 
vol. i.) 

2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. 

Analysis of the Third Article of the Treaty of Cession of 
Louisiana. [Washing-ton (?)], 1803. 8vo, pp. 8. 

Atlantic Monthly, vol. 32, p. 301. The Louisiana Purchase. 

Samuel Brazer, Jr. : Address pronounced at Worcester, May 
12, 1804, in Commemoration of the Cession of Louisiana to 
the United States. Worcester, 1804. 8vo, pp. 15. MH. 

[Charles Brockden Brown] : An Address to the Government 
of the United States on the Cession of Louisiana to the 
French, and on the late Breach of Treaty by the Spaniards. 
Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 92. C, N. 

[Charles Brockden Brown] *. Monroe's Embassy ; or. The 
Conduct of the Government in relation to our Claims to the 
Navigation of the Mississippi, considered, by the Author of 
the Address to the Government. . . . [Signed " Poplicola."j 
Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 57. BA, C. 

tJamillus, pseud. See Duane, below. 



APPENDIX 271 

Jamfm Clue^tbam: I^itth:, ,:. ..:...' . ,. * 

Yorrk- 1¥>4- 'fro, pp. .%. C. 

14 p. ^>8. l%rl. 
Whu lyxxaaofi : Mmaempfa C si J>:i 

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of thft Kigbt oi D^poei- .»>» !, 

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clansor for War. examiruftid. La SfeT-^a DfetSfesa. I";. 
phia. l%iC)8, 8to. pp. ^. EA- 
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272 APPENDIX 

Traitd de cession, du 30 avril 1803 ; par M. * * * Paris, sm 
XII. [1804]. 8vo, pp. 176. 

G. Morris. See Ross, below. 

Geo. Orr : The Possession of Louisiana by the French, consid- 
ered as it affects the interests of those Nations more imme- 
diately concerned, viz. : Great Britain, America, Spain, and 
Portugal. London, 1803. 8vo, pp. 45. BA. 

J. M. Peck : The Annexation of Louisiana. Christian Review, 
vol. 16, p. 555. 

Political, Commercial, and Statistical Sketches of the Spanish 
Empire in both Indies ; and a View of the Questions between 
Spain and the United States respecting Louisiana and the 
Floridas. London, 1809. Svo, pp. 156. BA. 

David Ramsay : Oration on the Cession of Louisiana to the 
United States ; delivered May 12, 1804, in Charleston, S. C. 
Charleston, 1804. 8vo, pp. 27. BA. 

C. F. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase and its Influence 
on the American System. New York, 1885. (Am. Hist, 
Asso. Pap., vol. 1, No. IV.) 

J. Ross and G. Morris : Speeches in Support of Ross's Reso- 
lutions relating- to the Free Navigation of the Mississippi. 
Philadelphia, 1803. BA. 

Jared Sparks : The History of the Louisiana Treaty. North 
American Review, vol. 28, p. 389 (April. 1829), and vol. 30, 
p. 551 (April, 1830). (Reviews of Marbois and of the 
translation of it.) * 

Sylvestris, pseud. : Reflections on the Cession of Loiiisiana to 
the United States. Washington, 1803. BA, P. 

B. Vaughan : Remarks on a Dangerous Mistake made as to 
the East Boundary of Louisiana. Boston, 1814. Svo, pp. 
28. BA. 

3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. 

American Candour, in a Tract lately published at Boston, en- 
titled " An Analysis," . . . etc. (See [J. Lowell], below.) 
London, 1809. 8vo. 

American State Papers and Correspondence between Messrs 



APPENDIX 273 

Smith, Pinkney, Marquis Wellesley, General Armstrong', M. 
Champag-ny, M. Turreau, Messrs. Russell, Monroe, Foster, 
etc. Ijondon, 1812. 8vo, pp. 187, 116. H. 

Nathaniel Atcheson : American Encroachment on British 
Rights. London, 1808, pp. xiii., cxiii., 250. Also in Pam- 
phleteer, vol. 6, pp. 33-98, 361-400. BA. 

A. B. : Six Letters of A. B. on the Difference between Great 
Britain and the United States of America, -with a Preface 
by the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. London, 1807c 
8vo, pp. 48. BA. 

Alex. Baring : An Inquiry into the Causes and Consequences 
of the Orders in Council ; and an Examination of the Con- 
duct of Great Britain towards the Neutral Commerce of 
America. London, 1808 (and other editions). C, H, P. 
(See T. P. Courtenay, below.) 

[Charles B. Brown, or G. Morris] : The British Treaty [of 
1806. n. p., 1807.] 8vo, pp. 86. BA. + The British Treaty 
■with America, with an Appendix of State Papers ; which 
are now first published. London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 147. N. 

James Cheetham : Peace or War ? or. Thoughts on our Affairs 
with England. New York, 1807. 8vo, pp. 44. B, BA, MH. 

[T. P. Courtenay] : Observations on the American Treaty, in 
Eleven Letters. First published in The Sun. under the Sig- 
nature of " Decius." London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 75. 

T. P. Courtenay : Additional Observations on the American 
Treaty, with some Remarks on Mr. Baring's Pamphlet ; 
being a Continuation of the Letters of Decius. To which is 
added an Appendix of State Papers, including the Treaty. 
London, 1808. 8vo, pp. viii., 94, Ixix. N. 

[Alexander J. Dallas] : An Exposition of the Causes and 
Character of the Late War with Great Britain. Baltimore, 
1815. (And other editions.) BA, C. 

Dec'ins, pseud. See [T. P. Courtenay], above. 

A Farmer, pseud. See Senex, pseud., below. 

Thos. G. Fessenden : Some Thoughts on the Present Dispute 
between Great Britain and America. Philadelphia, 1807. 
8vo, pp. 91. P. 



£74 APPENDIX 

An Inquiry into the Present State of the Foreign Belations of 
the Union, as affected by the Late Measures of Administra- 
tion. Philadelphia, 1806. 8vo, pp. 183. BA. 

Wm. Lee : Les Etats-Unis et I'Ang-leterre, ou, Souvenirs et 
Reflexions d'un Citoyen Am^ricain. [1791-1814.J Bor- 
deaux, 1814. 8vo, pp. 346. BA, C, H. 

[J. Lowell] : Analysis of the Late Correspondence between our 
Administration and Great Britain and France. With an 
Attempt to show what are the Real Causes of the Failure of 
the Neg-otiations between France ai.d America. [Boston, 
1808.] BA. (See American Candour, above.) 

[J. Lowell] : Supplement to the late Analysis of the Public 
Correspondence between our Cabinet and those of France 
and Great Britain. [Boston, 1808.] 8vo, pp. 28. BA. 

[J. Lowell] : Thoug-hts upon the Conduct of our Administra- 
tion in Relation both to Great Britain and France, more 
especially in Reference to the Late Neg'otiation, concern- 
ing- the Attack on the Chesapeake ; by a Friend to Peace. 
[1808.] 

[J. Madison.] See under B, pp. 264, 265, A Letter, etc., 1806. 

[James McHenry] : Three Patriots, [Jefferson, Madison, and 
Monroe,] or, the Cause and Cure of Present Evils. Balti- 
more, 1811. 8vo. M. 

B. Mihir, pseud. : Considerations in Answer to the Pamphlet 
containing Madison's Instructions to Monroe. Albany, 1807. 
BA. 

[G. Morris] : An Answer to " War in Disguise ; " or. Remarks 
upon the New Docti'ine of England concerning Neutral 
Trade. New York, 1806. Svo, pp. 76. (See, also, [Charles 
B. Brown], above.) 

Timothy Pickering : Letters addressed to the People of the 
United States of America on the Conduct of the Past 
and Present Administrations of the American Government 
towards Great Britain and France. London, 1812. Svo, 
pp. 168. 

The Present Claims and Complaints of America briefly and 
fairly considered. London, 1806. Svo, pp. 56. 



APPENDIX 275 

Remarks on the British Treaty with the United States. Liver- 
pool, 1807. BA. 

Report of the Committee to whom was referred the Cor- 
respondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, and 
between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative to the Attack 
on the Chesapeake. April 16, 1808. Washington, 1808. 

Senex, pseud. : Letters under the signatures of "Senex" and 
of "A Farmer," comprehending an examination of the con- 
duct of our Executive toward France and Great Britain, 
out of which the present crisis has arisen. Originally pub- 
lished in the North American. Baltimore, 1801). 8vo, pp. 
108. BA. 

[James Stephen], War in Disguise ; or, the Fraiids of Neutral 
Flags. London, 1805. 8vo, pp. 21.5. (See [G. Morris], 
above.) 

The Tocsin ; an Inquiry into the Late Proceedings of Great 
Britain, etc. Charleston, 1807. P. 

4. Period of Cabinet Office. 

(See [John Armstrong], under 6, below.) 

Major-General George W. Cullum : The Attack on Washing- 
ton City in 1814. In Papers of the American Historical 
Association. Vol. 2, pp. 54-68. 1888. 

E. D. Ingraham : A Sketch of the Events which preceded the 
Capture of Washington by the British on the Twenty-fourth 
of August, 1814. Philadelphia, 1849. 8vo, pp. 66. A, B, 
BA, C. 

Remarks on " An Enquiry," etc. (See next title.) Baltimore, 
1816. 8vo. BA. 

Spectator, pseud. : Enquiry respecting the Capture of Wash- 
ington by the British. Washington, 1816. 8vo. BA. 

United States, 13th Congress, 3d session. Report of Com- 
mittee to inquire into the Causes and Particulars of the 
Invasion of the City of Washington by the British Forces, 
August. Washington, 1814. 8vo. BA. 

J. S. Williams : History of the Invasion and Capture of Wash- 
ington. New York, 1857. 12mo. BA. 



276 APPENDIX 

5. Presidency. 

Exposition of the Motives for opposing the Nomination of Mr. 

Monroe for the Office of President of the United States. 

Washington, 1816. 8vo, pp. 14. B, BA. 
[C. Pinckney] : Observations to show the Propriety of the 

Nomination of Col. J. Monroe to the Presidency. Charleston, 

1816. BA. 

Edward T. Channing: Oration delivered at Boston, July 4, 

1817. Boston, [1817]. 8vo, pp. 24. BA, MH, W. 

J. L. M. Curry : The Acquisition of Florida. Magazine of 

American History, vol. 19, p. 286. 1887. 
[J. Forsyth] : Observaciones sobre la Memoria del Senor Onis, 

relativa h, la Negociacion con los Estados Unidos. (See fifth 

title below.) Madrid, 1822. 8vo. 
T. W. Higginson : The Administration of James Monroe. 

Harper's Magazine, vol. 68, p. 936. 1883. 
J. R. Ireland : The Republic. History of the United States 

in the Administrations. Chicago, 1888. 18 v. 
Joshua Leavitt: The Administration of Monroe. Harper's 

Monthly Magazine, vol. 29, p. 461. September, 1864. 
Official Correspondence between Don Luis de Onis, Minister 

from Spain, . . . and John Quincy Adams, in relation to 

the Floridas and the Boundaries of Louisiana, etc. London, 

1818. 8vo, pp. 130. C. 

Luis de Onis : Memoria sobre las negociaciones entre Espana y 
los Estados-Unidos de America, que dieron motivo al Tra- 
tado de 1819 ; eon una noticia sobre la estadistica de aquel 
pais, [i. e. Florida]. Acompana un Ap^ndice. Madrid, 
1820. 8vo. H. 

[L. de Onis] : Memoirs upon the Negotiations between Spain 
and the United States of America, which led to the Treaty 
of 1819. With a Statistical Notice of that Country, [Flo- 
rida]. Accompanied by an Appendix. [Translated by 
Tobias Watkins.] Washington, 1821. 8vo. H. 

John Overton : A Vindication of the Measures of the Presi- 
dent and his . . . Generals, m the Commencement and 



APPENDIX 277 

Termination of the Seminole War. Washing^ton, 1810. 
8vo. N. 

Wm. Patterson : Letter to Peter Van Schaack, Kinderhook, 
N. Y., on President Monroe and his Cabinet (1822). In 
Magazine of American History, vol. 6, p. 217. 

J. F. Ratteubury : Remarks on the Cession of the Floridas to 
the United States of America, etc. London, 1819. 8vo. C. 
(Also in Pamphleteer, vol. 15.) 

J. Schouler : Monroe and the Rhea Letter. Magazine of 
American History, vol. 12, p. 308. 1884. 

United State.s, 18th Congress, 2d Session. [1825.] Reports of 
Committees, 79. On President Monroe's Accounts. B. 

Verus, pseud. : Observations on the Existing Differences be- 
tween Spain and the United States. Philadelphia, 1817. 

BA. 

6. Subsequent Period. 

[John Armstrong] : Notice of Mr. Adams' Enlogium on the 
Life and Character of James Monroe. [Washington, 1832.] 
8vo, pp. 32. C, M, N. 

United States, 30th Congress, 2d Session. [1849.] Senate 
Miscellaneous Documents, 10. On President Monroe's Man- 
uscript Papers. 

C C. Hazewell : Review of " The People, the Sovereigns." 
North American Review, vol. 105, p. 634. (Also noticed 
ki the Nation, vol. 5, p. 109.) 

D. The Monroe Dootkine. 

President Monroe's Seventh Annual Message, December 2, 
1823. In Williams' Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 460, 
461 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 245-250. 

Edward Channing and A. B. Hart, eds. Extracts from Official 
Declarations of the United States embodying the Monroe 
Doctrine, 1789-1891. [American History Leaflets, No. 4.] 
New York, 1892. 

S. M. Hamilton : Hamilton Fac-similes of Manuscripts in the 
National Archives relating to American History. Pt. L The 
Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1896. 



278 APPENDIX 

1. Its Immediate Origin. 

The Principles of the Holy Alliance ; or Notes and Manifes< 
toes of the Allied Powers. London, 1823. 

North American Review, vol. 17, p. 340, October, 1823. (Re- 
view of the above. See especially pp. 373-375.) 

Diplomatic Review, vol. 13, pp. 65-69 (August 2, 1865), 73- 
74 (September 6, 1865), 81-86 (October 4, 1865). 

F. R. de Chateaubriand, Congr^s de V^rone. Guerre d'Es- 
pag-ne. N^g-ociations. Colonies espag-noles. 2^ ^d. Paris, 
1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C. + (Translated), Memoirs of the 
Congress of Verona. London, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C, N. 

Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen von Ense und Oelsner. 
Vol. 3. 

A. G. Stapleton : The Political Life of the Right Honorable 
George Canning, 1822-1827. 3 vols. London, 1831. 

Conference of Mr. Canning with Prince Polignac, October 9, 
1823 ; in Annual Register, vol. 66, p. 99. 

[G. Canning] : Official Correspondence, Notes by E. J. Sta- 
pleton. 2 vols. Longmans, 1887. 

George Canning : Speech in the House of Commons, Decem- 
ber 12, 1826. In Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, New 
Series, vol. 16, pp. 390-398 ; Annual Register, vol. 68, p. 
192; Canning's Speeches, vol. 6, pp. 108, 109. 

Richard Rush : Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of 
London. Philadelphia, 1845. 2 vols. 

John Quincy Adams : Diary. Vols. 4 and 6, passim. 

John T. Morse, Jr. : John Quincy Adams. [American States- 
men Series.] Pp. 130-137. 

Mr. Adams to Mr. Rush, July 22, 1823. State Papers, For- 
eign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 791-793, etc. 

Mr. Clay's Resolution, offered January 20, 1824. Annals of 
Congress, 18th Congress, 1st Session, vol. 1, p. 1104; Benton's 
Abridgment, vol. 8, p. 650 ; Niles' Register, vol. 25, p. 335. 

President Monroe's Eighth Annual Message, December 7, 
1824. In Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 476, 479, 480; 
State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 353-359. 



APPENDIX 279 

Jefferson to Monroe, October 24, 1823. Works, vol 7 pp 
315-317. ' ' 

Madison to Monroe, October 30, 1823. Works, vol. 3, p. 339. 

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. No. 23. 
1882. Extracts from the Letters and Diary of William 
Plumer, Jr. 

2. Discussion of it in the Chief Treatises on International Law. 

J. C. Bluntschli: Droit International Codifi^. Paris, 1870. 
Pp. 253, 2.54. S, JH. 

Carlos Calvo: Derecho Internaeional Tedrico y Prdctico de 
Europa y America. Paris, 1868. Vol. 1, pp. 142-1,54, and 
note (from Dana's Wheaton). S. + French translation, 
Droit International, etc. 3^ ^d., Paris, 1880. JH. 

Sir Edward S. Creasy : First Platform of International Law. 
London, 1876. Pp. 120-124. S, JH. 

A. W. Heffter : Das Europaische Volkerreeht der Gegenwart. 
Berlin, 1873. Pp. 96-98. S, JH. 

Wm. Beach Lawrence: Commentaire sur les !£l^ments du 
Droit International et sur L'Histoire des Progr^s du Droit 
des Gens de Henry Wheaton. Leipzig (4 vols.), 1868-1880. 
Vol. 2 (1869), pp. 297-394. S, JH. 

G. F. de Martens : Precis du Droit des gens moderne de I'Eu- 
rope; augment^ des notes de Pinheiro-Ferreira. Paris, 
1864. Vol. 1, pp. 208-214. S. 

Robert Phillimore : Commentaries upon International Law. 
London, 1854-1857. Vol. 1, p. 433. JH. 

F. Snow : Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, (pp. 
237-356). Boston, 1894. 8vo. 

Henry Wheaton: Elements of International Law. Law- 
rence's edition (1855), p. 97 ; Dana's edition (1866), p. 112. 

3. In more Special Treatises and Articles, 

a. AMERICAN. 

John Quincy Adams. See Edward Everett, below. 
America for Americans. Democratic Review, vol. 32, pp. 187, 
193 ; vol. 37, p. 263. 



280 APPENDIX 

J. G. Patterson : The Passing of the Monroe Doctrine. Inde- 
pendent, vol. 10, p. 064. May 19, 1898. 

H. A. Boardman : New Doctrine of Intervention, tried by the 
Writings of Washington. Philadelphia, 1852. 8vo, pp. 
63. C. 

W. F. Borrough : The Monroe Doctrine and Its History. 
American Magazine of Civics, vol. 8, p. 47, 1895. 

James Buchanan : Article on the Monroe Doctrine, in Mr. 
Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. 
New York, 1866. 8vo. BA. 

H. C. Bunts: The Scope of the Monroe Doctrine. Forum, 
vol. 7, p. 192, 1889. 

J, W. Burgess : Recent Pseudo-Monroeism. Political Science 
Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 44, 1896. 

A. C. Casset : The Monroe Doctrine : Defense not Defiance. 
Forum, vol. 20, p. 456, 1895. 

Catholic World, vol. 31, p. 116. April, 1880. 

[Wm. Duane] : The Two Americas, Great Britain, and the 
Holy Alliance. Washington, 1824. 8vo. P. 

M. P. Dunnell: The Monroe Doctrine. American Law Re- 
view, vol. 29, p. 829, 1894. 

[A. H. Everett] : America, or a General Survey of the Politi- 
cal Situation of the Several Powers of the Western Continent. 
... By a Citizen of the United States. Philadelphia, 1827. 

Edward Everett, John Quincy Adams, and others : The Mon- 
roe Doctrine. New York, 1863. 8vo, pp. 17. Also, as No. 
34 of the Loyal Publication Society. 1863. 8vo, pp. 11. 
[Contains Mr. Everett's letter of September 2, 1863, in the 
New York I^edger, and Mr. Adams' letter of August 11, 
1837, to the Rev. Dr. Channing.] H, M. 

W. Gammell : The Monroe Doctrine. In Selected Writings, 
edited by J. O. Murray, pp. 178-198. Cambridge, 1890. 

E. L. Godkin: The Development of the Monroe Doctrine. 
Nation, vol. 62, p. 490, 1895. More about the Monroe Doc- 
trine. Nation, vol. 61, p. 304, 1895. 
J. C. Green : Americanism and the Monroe Doctrine. West- 
minster Magazine, vol. 149, pp. 237-247, March, 1898. 



APPENDIX 281 

(riinton's Mag-azine, vol. 10, p. 1, 1896. The Philosophy of 
the Monroe Doctrine. Vol. 10, p. 81, 189(3. The Monroe 
Doctrine : Definition and Interpretation. 

Harper's Monthly, vol. 18, p. 418. (Easy Chair.) The Mon- 
roe Doctrine Abroad. 

G. Hosraer : D. C. Gilman on the Monroe Doctrine. Open 
Court, vol. 10, p. 4801, 1896. 

Intervention of the United States: The Crisis in Europe. 
Democratic Review, vol. 30, pp. 401 and 554, May, June, 
1852. 

Thomas E. Jevons : The Monroe Doctrine. Bachelor of Arts, 
vol. 2, p. 487, 1895. 

J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Declaration. North American 
Review, vol. 133, pp. 241-254, September, 1881. 

J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Doctrine in 1881. North Ameri' 
can Review, vol. 133, pp. 523-533, December, 1881. 

Gustav Korner : The True Monroe Doctrine. Nation, Janu- 
ary 5, 1882, vol. 34, p. 9. 

Joshua Leavitt : The Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1863. 
8vo, pp. 50. H. (Reprint of article, New Englander, vol. 
22, p. 729, October, 1863. See, also, Joshua Leavitt, under 
A, above, a part of that article.) 

J. F. McLaughlin : The Monroe Doctrine. Richmond, 
1896. 

J. B. McMaster : The Origin, Meaning, and Application of the 
Monroe Doctrine. Philadelphia, 1896. 

National Quarterly Review, vol. 13, p. 114. (1866.) The 
Monroe Doctrine and the South American Republics. 

New Review, vol. 14, p. 47, 1895. The Monroe Doctrine. 

R. Ogden ; Some of the Myths of the Monroe Doctrine. Na- 
tion, vol. 60, p. 356, 1894. 

R. Olney : International Isolation of the United States. At- 
lantic Monthly, vol. 81, pp. 577-588, May, 1893. 

Providence Public Library Monthly Bulletin, vol. 1, No. 6, 
1895. The Monroe Doctrine. 

W. F. Reddaway. The Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Eug* 
land, 1898. Pp. 162. 



282 APPENDIX 

T. Roosevelt : The Monroe Doctrine. In his American Ideals 
New York, 1897. 

W. L. Scrug-gs : The Monroe Doctrine. Magazine of Ameri- 
can History, vol. 26, p. 39, 1891. 

W. G. Sumner : The Monroe Doctrine : Proposed Dual Organ- 
ization of Mankind. Popular Science Monthly, vol. 49, p. 
433, 1896. 

G. F. Txicker : The Monroe Doctrine. Its Origin and Growth. 
Boston, 1885. 138 pp. 

J. C. Welling : The Monroe Doctrine on Intervention. North 
American Review, vol. 82, p. 478. (1856.) 

J. A. Woodburn : The Monroe Doctrine and Some of its Appli- 
cations. Chautauquan, vol. 22, p. 549, 1895. 

Theodore D. Woolsey. Article " Monroe Doctrine" in John- 
son's Cyclopaedia. 

b. EUROPEAN. 

G. Carnazza Amari : Nuova Esposizione del Principio del noii 

Intervento. Catania, 1873. Pp. 16-24. S. In French, in 

Revue de Droit International, 1873, pp. 352-390, 531-566. 
Benner : Article, " Intervention," in Bluntschli's Staatswor- 

terbuch. 
Carlos Calvo: Une page de droit international, ou I'Am^- 

rique du Sud devant la science du droit des gens moderne. 

Paris, 26 ^d., 1870. 2 vols. 
Diplomatic Review, vol. 15, p. 92. 
L. B. HautefeuUle : Le principe de Non-intervention et aea 

applications aux ^v^nements actuels. Paris, 1863. 8vo. 

(Reprinted from Revue Contemporaine, vol. 34, p. 193.) 
Heiberg : Das Princip der Nicht-Intervention. Leipzig, 1842. 
L. count Kamarowsky: The Principle of Non-intervention 

(in Russian). Moscow, 1874. 
M. Kapoustine : Le droit d' intervention. 1876. 
Don Rafael Manuel de Labra : De la representacion y influ- 

encia de los Estados-Unidos de America en el derecho in- 

ternacional. Madrid, 1877. 38 pp. 
D. D. de Pradt : Vrai syst^me de 1 'Europe relativement h 



APPENDIX 283 

I'Am^rique. . . . 1825. C + In Pamphleteer, vols. 25 

and 26. BA. 
H. you Rotteck : Das Recht der Einmischung' in die inneren 

Angelegenheiten eines fremden Staates. Freiburg', 1845. 
Carl Kiimelin : Die Monroe-Doctrin. In Zeitsclirift fiir die 

gesammte Staatswissenscliaft. Tiibing'en, 1882. Heft 2. 
Hermann Strauch : Zur Interventions-Lehre. Eine vblker- 

rechtliche JStudie. Heidelberg, 1879. See especially pp. 

17, 18. 

4. Occasions on which it has been applied. 

a. THS PANAMA CONGRESS. 

Mr. Adams' Messages of February 2, 1826 (St. P., V. 794- 
797) and March 21 (V. 834-897). (Those of December 26, 
1825, and March 15, 1826, are to be found in United States, 
etc., below.) 

American Annual Register, 1826, chap. iv. 

Benton's Thirty Years, vol. i. p. 65. 

Henry Clay's Dispatch to Mr. Poinsett, March 25, 1825 : In 
State Papers, Foreign Ailairs, vol. 5, pp. 908, 909. 

Coronel Don Bernardo Monteagudo : Ensayo sobre la Necesi- 
dad de una Federacion Jeneral entre los Estados Hispano- 
Americanos, y Plan de su Organisaclon. Obra Postuma del 
H. Coronel D., etc. Lima, 1825. (See Sparks, below.) 

Niles' Register, vols. 30, 36, passim. 

D. D. de Pradt : Congr^s de Panama. Paris, 1825. BA. 

Revue Britannique, mars, 1826, pp. 159-176. Congr^s de 
Panama. 

[Jared Sparks] : Alliance of the Southern Republics. In 
North American Review, vol. 22, p. 162, January, 1826. 
(Review of Coronel, above.) 

J. M. Torres Caicedo : Union latina americana, etc. Union 
latine-am^ricaine ; la pens^e de Bolivar, son origine et ses 
d^veloppements. Paris, 1875. (Reviewed by A. Villamus, 
in Revue Politique et Litt^raire, 30 sept., 1876.) 

United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. [68.] The Execu- 



284 APPENDIX 

tlve Proceeding's of the Senate of the United States, on the 
subject of the Mission to the Congress at Panama, together 
with the Messages and Documents relating thereto. Wash- 
ington, 1826. Pp. 160. B, P. 

United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. House of Repre- 
sentatives. [Document No. 129.] Congress of Panama. 
Message from the President of the United States, ... in 
relation to the Proposed Congress to be held at Panama. 
Washington, 1826. Pp. 90. 

United States. Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 1st Ses> 
sion, vol. 2. Benton's Abridgment, viii. 417-472, 637-675 
(Senate) j ix. 48-50, 62-76, 90-218 (House of Representa- 
tives). 

United States : The Congress of 1826 at Panama, and Subse- 
quent Movements toward a Conference of American Na- 
tions. Historical Appendix (vol. 4) to the Report of the 
International American Conference. Washington, 1890. 
Pp. 375. 

Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre : Speech on opening the 
Congress. Niles' Register, vol. 31, pp. 44-47. 

Von Hoist : Constitutional History of the United States, vol. 
1, pp. 409-432. 

Webster's Speech, in Works, vol. 3, pp. 178-217. 



C. Lefebvre de B^cour : Des rapports de la France et de 
1' Europe avec I'Amdrique du Sud. Revue des Deux Mondes, 
juil., 1838. 

6. YUCATAN. 

Mr. Polk's Annual Message of December 2, 1845 (Statesman's 
Manual, iii. 1458) ; his Special Message on Yucatan, of 
April 29, 1848 (iii. 1737). (Benton, xvi. 187, 188.) 

Congressional Globe, vol. 18, and Appendix. 30th Congress, 
1st Session. Benton's Abridgment, xvi. 188, 189 (House) ; 
189, 190, 196-204 (Senate). 

Calhoun's Speech, May 15, 1848, in Works, iv. 454-479. 

Von Hoist, iii. 448-453. 



APPENDIX 28S 



C. THE CLAYTON-BITLWER TREATY. 

Treaty with New Granada, December 12, 1846, especially Art. 

35. In Statutes at Large, vol. viii. 
Clayton and Bulwer Convention, IGth April, 1850, between 

the British and American Governments, concerning- Central 

America, with Correspondence. 1856. 
Joseph P. Comegys: Memoir of John M. Clayton. (Papers 

of the Historical Society of Delaware, iv.) Wilmington, 

18S2. Pp. 190-202, 211-234. JH. 
Congressional Globe. 32d Congress, 2d Session, vol. 26, 1853. 

3od Congress, 1st Session, vol. 28, 1853. Appendix, vol. 29. 

34th Congress, 1st Session, 1855-1856, and appendix. 35th 

Congress, 1st Session. 
Clarendon- Dallas Treaty, 1856. 
G. W. Hobbs: The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Bay State 

Monthly, vol. 3, p. 17. 1885. 
T. J. Lawrence : Essays on Some Disputed Questions in 

Modern International Law. Essay III, pp. 89-1 (i2 ; The 

Panama Canal and the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Cambridge, 

England, 1885. (And other editions.) 
Nation, vol. 34, p. 92, 1881. J. G. Blaine and the Clayton- 
Bulwer Treaty. 
W. L. Scruggs: The Clayton- Bid wer Treaty. North Amer- 
ican Review, vol. 145, p. 313, 1887. 
Treaty with Nicaragua, June 21, 1867. 
United States. 34th Congress, 1st Session. Senate Ex. Doc. 

35. Messages of the President ... on the construction of 

the Treaty of July 4, 1850. (1856). 
See also next section, and the last. 

d. CENTRAL AMERICA, 1845-1860. 

N[apol^on] L[ouis] B[onaparte] : Canal of Nicaragua, or a 
Project to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by means 
of a Canal. London, 1846. [Not published.] 

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte : Le Canal de Nicaragua, ou projet 
de jonction des oceans Atlantique et Pacifique. Revue 
Britannique, mai, 1849. 



286 APPENDIX 

[Sir Henry Bulwer] : Great Britain and the United States, 
Edinburgh Review, vol. 104, pp. 267-298. July, 1856. 

Canal interoc^anique par I'isthme de Darien, Nouvelle Granade 
(Am^rique du Sud). Canalisation par le colonisation. Paris, 
1860. Pp. 203. A. 

Correspondence with the United States respecting Central 
America. Printed by order of Parliament. London, 1856- 
1860. Pp. 344. 

Democratic Review, Oct. 1852. Vol. 31, p. 337. Our Foreign 
Relations. Central America. 

A. Denain : Int^rets qui se rattaehent k I'isthme de Panama, 
et aux diff^rentes isthmes de I'Am^rique Centrale. Paris, 
1845. C. 

Question Anglo- Am^ricaine. Documents of&ciels dchang^s 
entre les Etats-Unis et I'Angleterre au sujet de I'Am^rique 
Centrale et du traits Clayton-Bulwer. Paris, 1856. S. 

Xavier Raymond : Diplomatic Anglo-Am^ricaine ; les Ara^ri- 
cains et les Anglais au Mexique et dans I'Am^rique Cen- 
trale. Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 avril, 1853. 

E. G. Squier: Letter to the Hon. H. S. Foote, Chairman of 
the Committee of Foreign Relations of the United States 
Senate, on the Nicaragua Treaty, 1850. N. 

[E. G. Squier] : The Mosquito Question. Whig Review, Feb- 
ruary, March, 1850. 

[E. G. Squier] : The Islands of the Gulf of Honduras. Their 
Seizure and Organization as a British Colony. Democratic 
Review, vol. 31, p. 544. (November, December, 1852.) 

E. G. Squier : The States of Central America and the Honduras 
Interoceanic Railway. New York, 1858. Pp. 782. N. 

e. CUBA, ETC., 1850-98. 

G. d'Alaux, Cuba et la propagande annexioniste. Revue des 
Deux Mondes, 15 juil., 1850. 

Charles Benoist : Cuba, I'Espagne et les Etats-Unis. Revue 
des Deux Mondes, vol. 141, p. 112, mai 1, 1897. 

Buchanan, Mason and SouM : the " Ostend Manifesto." Diplo- 
matic Correspondence, 1854-1855. Buchanan : Message, 
December 3, 1860. 



APPENDIX 287 

General Cass to Lord Napier, May 12, May 29, 1857, . . . No- 
vember, 1858 ; to Mr. Dodge, October 2, 1858. (Spanish 
invasion of Mexico.) 

J. Chanut, La Question de Cuba aux Etats-Unis et en Europe. 
Revvie Contemporaine, vol. 8, p. 470. (1859.) 

G. Colmache : How Cuba might have belonged to France. 
Fortnightly, vol. 64, p. 747, 1895. 

Congressional Globe. 33d Congress, 2d Session. (1854-1855.) 
(Ostend Manifesto.) 35th Congress, 2d Session. (1859.) 
(Cuba.) 

A. B. Hart: A Century of Cuban Diplomacy. Harper's 
Magazine, vol. 97, pp. 127-134, June, 1898. 

A. B. Hart : The Ostend Manifesto. American History Leaf- 
let, No. 2. 1892. 

M. W. Hazeltine : Possible Complications of the Cuban Ques- 
tion. North American Review, vol. 162, p. 406, April, 1896. 

V. W. Kingsley : Spain, Cuba, and the United States. Recog- 
nition and the Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1870. 34 pp. 

J. K. Latane : The United States Intervention in Cuba. 
North American Review, vol. 166, p. 350, 1898. 

F. J. Matheson : The United States and Cuban Independence. 
Fortnightly, vol. m, pp. 816-832, May, 1898. 

Revue Britannique, aout, 1854 ; pp. 257-290. La question de 
Cuba, jug^e au point de vue Am^ricaine. 

[E. G. Squier ?] : The Cuban Debate. Democratic Review, 
vol. 31, pp. 433, 624. (November, December, 1852.) 

S. Webster : Mr. Marey : the Cuban Question : and the Ostend 
Manifesto. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 8, p. 1, March, 
1893. 

f. FRENCH INTERVENTION IN MEXICO. 

F. Bancroft : The French in Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine. 
Political Science Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 30, 1896. 

Congressional Globe. 37th Congress, 3d Session, Appendix, 
p. 94. 38th Congress, 1st Session ; the House resolution of 
April 4, 1864, and debate. 39th Congress, 1st Session; 
message on the sending of Austrian troops to Mexico, and 
debate. 39th Congress, 2d Session ; on Mexican affairs. 



288 APPENDIX 

Democratic Review, vol. 32, p. 39. Mexico and tlie Monroe 

Doctrine. 
Fraser's Mag^azine, vol. 64, p. 717. December, 1861. Mexico. 
Free Press, Urqithart, vol. 9. November 6, 1861. Collective 

Intervention in the New World. 
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, vol. 50, p. 415, vol. 51, p. 106. 

(Jime, August, 1864.) The Conquest of Mexico by France. 
V. W. Kingsley, French Intervention in Mexico, 1863, pph. N. 
A. Laugel : France and the United States. Nation, vol. 1, 

p. 302. (September 7, 1865.) 
Joshua Leavitt : The Key of the Continent. New Englander, 

vol. 23, p. 517. (July, 1864.) 
E. Leffevre : Histoire de I'intervention frangaise au Mexique. 

Vol. 2, ch. 18, etc. Bruxelles et Londres. 1869. 
H. Mercier de Lacombe : Le Mexique etles Etats-Unis. 2* ^d. 

Paris, 1863. 8vo. B. 
Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine, [n. p. 1862 ? ] Pp. 24. 
Nation, vol. 1, p. 678. November 30, 1865. The Solution of 

the Mexican Problem. 
Revue Britannique, septembre, 1863, pp. 213-224. Le Me- 
xique au point de vue amdricaine, avant et depuis I'exp^di- 

tion frangaise. 
G. Reynolds : Mexico. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 14, p. 51. 

July, 1864. 
J. H. Robinson : The Mexican Question. Nortli American 

Review, vol. 103, pp. 106-142. July, 1866. 
J. M. Schofield : The Withdrawal of the French from Mexico. 

Century, vol. 54, pp. 128-137. May, 1897. 
United States: Message and Documents, Department of 

State, 1863-1864. 
United States: Messages of the President of the United 

States to Congress, with accompanying documents relating 

to the Mexican Question. 
Justus Strictus Veritas, pseud. : Nuevas Reflexiones sobre la 

Cuestion Franco-Mexicana. Folleto publicado en Paris, el 

30 de setiembre de 1862 por suppleraeuto al Correo de ui- 

tiamar. Mexico, 1862. Pp. 192. C. 



APPENDIX 289 

Westminster Review, vol. 80, p. 313. October, 1863. The 
French Conquest of Mexico. Same art., Eclectic Magazine, 
vol. 61, p. 36. Same art., Living Age, vol. 79, p. 251. 

g. THE INTER-OCEAKIC CANAL — (OFFICIAL) 

Congressional Record, vol. 9, p. 2312. Senator Bumside's 
resolution, June 25, 1879. (4r6th Congress, 1st Session. 
S. B. Xo. 43.) Further discussion in vol. 10. 

President Hayes : Message, March 8, 1880. In Congressional 
Record, vol. 10, p. 1399. Since printed with documents. 

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United 
States, 1881. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lowell (circular), June 
24, 1881, pp. 537-540. Lord Granville to Mr. Hoppin, 
November 10, 1881, p. 549. ;Mr. Blaine to Mr. LoweU, 
November 19, 1881, pp. 554-559 ; November 29, 1881, pp. 
563-569. 

Earl GranviUe to Mr. West, January 14, (7 ?) 1882. 

Correspondence respecting the projected Panama Canal. Pre- 
sented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her 
Majesty. 1882. 

Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Lowell, May 8, 1882. 

Don Antonio Aguilar, Marquis de la Vega de Armijo, to Don 
Francisco Barca, Spanish Minister at Washington, March 
15, 1882. In " the Red Book," Madrid, 1882. 

Congr^s International d' Etudes du Canal Interocdaniqtie. 
Compte Rendu des Stances. Paris, 1879. 

Bulletin du Canal Interoc^anique, Nos. 1 to 604-' (Septem- 
ber 1, 1879, to February 15, 1882.) Paris. 

(unofficial) 
D. Ammen : M. de Lesseps and his Canal. (See Lesseps, 

below.) North American Review, vol. 130, pp. 130-146, 

February, 1880. 
Cassell's. December, 1879. Panama and the Isthmus. 
C. DeHalb : The Nicaragua Canal — Ours or England's ? 

Forum, vol. 19, p. 690, 1894. 



290 APPENDIX 

A Delawarean: The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the report 
of the Committee of the House on Foreign Relations against 
it. May 1, 1880. S. 

Edinburgh Pteview, April, 1882. The Panama Canal. 

E. L. Godkin : The Nicaragua Canal. Nation, vol. 39, p. 516. 
December, 1884. 

U. S. Grant : The Nicaragua Canal. North American Review, 
vol. 132, pp. 197-216. February, 1881. 

Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 60, p. 935. (Easy Chair.) 
Lesseps and the Darien Canal. 

The International Canal and the Monroe Doctrine. New 
York, 1880. Pp. 118. 

L. M. Keasbey : The Nicaragua Canal and the Monroe Doe- 
trine. New York, 1896. Pp. 622. 

F. de Lesseps: The Interoceanic Canal. North American 
Review, vol. 130, pp. 1-15. January, 1880. Vol. 131, pp. 
75-78. July, 1880. 

A. Letellier: Les Travaux du Canal de Panama. Nouvelle 
Revue, 1 juiL, 1882. 

W. L. Merry : The Political Aspect of the Nicaragua Canal. 
Overland Monthly, n. s., vol. 23, p. 497, May, 1894. 

The Monroe Doctrine and the Isthmian Canal. North Amer- 
ican Review, vol. 130, p. 499. 

The Nation, vol. 30, p. 90. February 5, 1880. The United 
States Government and the Panama Canal. — Vol. 33, p. 
348. November 3, 1881. American Policy towards the 
Isthmus Canal. — Vol. 34, p. 92. February 2, 1882. An- 
other chapter of Mr. Blaine's Diplomacy. — Vol. 34, p. 114. 
February 9, 1882. Mr. Blaine's Manifesto. — Vol. 34, p. 
156-157. — VoL 34, p. 200. March 7, 1882. "A Spirited 
Foreign Policy." 

T. W. Osborn: The Darien Canal. International Review, 
vol. 7, pp. 481^97. November, 1879- 

Popular Science Monthly. Vol. 16, pp. 842-849. April, 1880. 
Some Features of the Interoceanic Canal Question. Vol. 
20, pp. 273-275. December, 1881. Our Policy respecting 
the Panama Canal. 



APPENDIX 29i 

J. R. Proctor: The Nicarag'iia Canal. American Journal of 

Politics, vol. 2, p. 225, 1892. 
Providence Public Library Monthly Reference Lists, vol. 1, 

p. 45, 1881. The Panama Canal. 
Revtie Britannique, juil., 1879. Le Congr^s du Canal Inter- 

oc^anique. 
J. C. Rodricfues : The Panama Canal : Historv, Political As- 

peets, etc. London, 1885. 
Dr. Rudolf Schleiden : Die rechtliche und politische Seite 

der Panamd-Canal-Frage. Preussische Jahrbiicher, Juni, 

1882. 
S. Webster: The Diplomacy and Law of Isthmian Canals. 

Harper's Mag-azine, vol. 87, p. 602, 1896. 
S. F. Weld : The Isthmus Canal and our Government. Atlan- 

lic Monthly, vol. 6o, p. 341, March, 1889; The Isthmus 

Canal and American Control. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 64, 

p. 289, September, 1889. 
H. White : The Nicaragua Canal. Nation, vol. 52, p. 44, 

1890. 
T. S. Woolsey : The Interoceanic Canal in the Light of Pre- 
cedent. Yale Review, vol. 4, p. 246, 1896. 

h. AMERICA NORTH OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Nootka-8ound Convention between Spain and Great Britain. 
October 28, 1790. Recueil des Trait^s, 2^ ^d., iv. 492- 
499. 

Treaty between the United States and Spain. February 22, 
1819. Statutes at Large, viii. 252-267. Boston, 1867. 

Ukase of the Emperor Alexander. September 4, (16,) 182 L 
State Papers, Foreign Relations, V. 

Message from the President of the United States ... in rela- 
tion to Claims set up by Foreign Governments, to Territory 
of the United States upon the Pacific Ocean, 1822 

W. Sturgis : Examination of the Russian Claims to the North- 
west Coast of America. North American Review, vol. 15, 
pp. 370-401. October, 1822. 

Robert Greenhow : History of Oregon and California and 



292 APPENDIX 

other Territories on the Northwest Coast of North America. 

Boston, 1845. 8vo. (And treaties in appendix.) 
Congressional Globe. 40th Congress, 1st (extra) Session. 

(Alaska purchase.) (Also Canada resolution.) 
C. de Varigny : La doctrine Monroe et le Canada. Revue des 

Deux Mondes, 1879, vol. 32. 

i. THE PAK-AMERICAN CONFERENCE. 

United States : International American Conference. Reports, 

4 vols. Washington, 1890. 
W. P. Frye : The Pan-American Congress. Chautauquan, 

vol. 10, p. 70;i, 1887. 
E. P. Powell : The Pan-American Congress. New England 

Magazine, n. s., vol. 5, p. 11, 1892. 
M. Romero : The Pan-American Congress. North American 

Review, vol. 151, pp. 354 and 407, 1887. (Reviewed by R. 

Ogden. Nation, vol. 51, p. 182, 1890.) 
J. Sheldon : Suggestions for the Pan-American Congress. 

New Englander, vol. 51, p. 469, 1889. 
C. de Varigny : Un Homme d'Etat Am^ricain : James G. 

Blaine et le Congr^s des trois Am^riques. Revue des Deux 

Mondes, vol. 97, p. 433, June 15, 1890. 

j. THE VENEZUELA-GUIANA QUESTION. 

C. K. Adams : The Monroe Doctrine and the Cleveland Doc- 
trine. Independent, vol. 49, p. 205, February 18, 1897. 

J. Bryce : British Feeling on the Venezuelan Question. North 
American Review, vol. 1(32, p. 145, February, 1896. 

A. Carnegie : The Venezuelan Question. North American 
Review, vol. 162, p. 127, February, 1896. 

Sir D. P. Chalmers : The Boundary Question [Venezuela]. 
Juridical Review, vol. 8, p. 1, 1896. 

E. D. Cope : The Monroe Doctrine in 1895. Open Court, vol 
10, p. 4777, January 16, 1895. 

E. Dicey : Common Sense and Venezuela. Nineteenth Cen- 
tury, vol. 39, p. 7, January, 1896. 

E- L. Godkin : The Venezuelan Correspondence. Nation, 



APPENDIX 293 

vol. 6, p. 458, December 26, 1896 ; The Venezuelan Settle- 
ment. Nation, vol. 63, p. 360, 1896. 

G. H. D. Gossip : Venezuela before Europe and America. 
Fortnig-htly, vol. 65, p. 397, 1896. 

H. C. Lodg-e : England, Venezuela, and the Monroe Doctrine. 
North American Review, vol. 160, p. 651, June, 1895. 

D. Low : The Olney Doctrine and America's New Foreign 
Policy. Eclectic Magazine, vol. 128, pp. 161-169, 1897. 

D. Mills : The New Monroe Doctrine of Messrs. Cleveland and 
Olney. Canadian Magazine, vol. 6, p. 365, February, 1896. 

J. Morley : The Arbitration with America. Nineteenth Cen- 
tury, vol. 40, p. 320, 1896. 

National Review, vol. 26, pp. 573 and 737, 1895. The Boun- 
dary Question (Venezuela), 

M. Francis de Pressens^ : La Doctrine de Monroe et le Conflit 
Anglo- Am^ricain. Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 133, p. 417, 
January 15, 1896. 

J. L. Rice : The Duty of Congress [in Venezuelan Crisis], 
Forum, vol. 20, p. 761, 1896. 

W. L. Scruggs : The Venezuelan Question. Review of Re- 
views, vol. 12, p. 695, December, 1896. 

E. J. Shriver : An American View of the Venezuelan Dispute. 
Westminster Magazine, vol. 1, p. 117, 1896. 

H. S. Somerset : Great Britain, Venezuela, and the United 
States. Nineteenth Century, vol. 38, p. 758. November, 
1895. 

H. M. Stanley : The Issue between Great Britain and America 
[in Venezuela]. Nineteenth Century, vol. 39, p. 1, January, 
1896. 

United States : Report and Accompanying Papers of the Com- 
mission appointed by the President of the United States " to 
investigate and report upon the True Divisional Line be- 
tween the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana." 
Washington, 1897. 4 vols. 

D. A. Wells, E. J. Phelps, and C. Schurz : America and 
Europe : Study of International Relations [Venezuela]. 
New York, 1896. 



294 APPENDIX 

J. Wheeler and C. H. Grosvenor : Our Duty in the Crisis 
[Venezuelan]. North American Review, vol. 161, p. 628, 
November, 1895. 

T. S. Woolsey : The President's Monroe Doctrine. Forum, 
▼oL 20, p. 708, February, 1896. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



^DA.us, John, shocked at Monroe's 
levity in Paris, 71 ; not a friend of 
Monroe, 129 ; anticipates Monroe 
doctrine, 168. 

Adams, John Quincy, on Monroe's 
retirement from army, 12 ; on 
his advocacy of Mississippi navi- 
gation, 27 ; on importance of Mon- 
roe's and Jay's foreign missions, 
41, 48 ; receives one electoral 
vote in 1820, 128 ; secretary of 
state, 129 ; his career and charac- 
ter, 130, 131 ; contrast with Cal- 
houn, 131-134 ; his appointment 
approved by Jackson, 137 ; vindi- 
cates Jackson's career in Florida, 
144 ; secures annexation of Flor- 
ida, 146 ; on Missouri excitement, 
147 ; on reasons for favoring Mis- 
souri Compromise, 151 ; his can- 
didacy for President in 1824, 157 ; 
describes Monroe's attitude to- 
ward Spanish colonies, 170 ; states 
Monroe doctrine to Russian am- 
bassador, 172, 173 ; said to have 
drafted Monroe doctrine in Mon- 
roe's message, 174 ; held by Red- 
daway to be real author, 178 ; his 
opinion of Monroe, 240 ; anecdote 
of his toast to Monroe and Lafay- 
ette, 251. 

A.ddington, Henry, succeeded by 
Pitt, 97. 

Alexander, Emperor of Russia, ar- 
bitrates between England and 
United States, 202. 

Ames, Fisher, on Monroe's career 
in France, 71. 

Atmapolis Coaveution, not favored 



by Monroe, 22 ; calls Federal Con- 

vention, 22, 23. 
Armstrong, John, secretary of war 

under Madison, 111 ; criticised as 

inefficient by Monroe, 111-119; 

retained in oflSce by Madison, 119 ; 

popular rage with, after capture 

of Washington, 120. 
Auckland, Lord, on commission to 

treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 

100. 

Bancroft, George, quoted, 24, 25. 

Barlow, Joel, his instructions as 
minister to France, 110 ; fails to 
secure treaty of commerce, 110. 

Barney, Captain Josliua, presents 
American flag to National Con- 
vention, 54. 

Barras, Count, his policy influenced 
by Monroe, 74. 

Benton, Thomas H., not in politics 
in 1817, 129 ; his elaborate esti- 
mate of Monroe, 241-244. 

Bladensburg, battle of, part played 
by Monroe at, 119-126. 

Blair, John, appointed delegate to 
Federal Convention, 28. 

Bonaparte, Jerome, his marriage to 
Miss Patterson, described by Mon- 
roe, 90, 91. 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, his power in 
1803, 80, 81 ; discusses Louisiana 
question, tells Marbois to sell, 
82 ; refuses offer of forty mil- 
lions, 80, 84 ; announces war with 
England, 85 ; acquiesces in terms 
of sale of Louisiana, 85 ; receives 
Monroe, 86 ; his letter of acknow 



298 



INDEX 



ledgment, 87 ; takes leave of 
Mouroe, 87, 88 ; notified of Je- 
rome Bonaparte's marriage, 90 ; 
on future growth of America, 94 ; 
his arbitrary policy iu the matter, 
95, 96 ; promises to aid in acqui- 
sition of West Florida, 98 ; re- 
fuses to do so, 98. 

Bowler, Jack, leader of slave plot, 
30. 

Breckeuridge, John, defeated by 
Monroe for governor, 35. 

Brock, R. C, his researches on Mon- 
roe pedigree, 249. 

Burr, Aaron, candidate for French 
missioia. 40. 

Calhoun, John C, secretary of war 
under Mouroe, 129 ; his career and 
character, 131-134 ; contrast with 
Adams, 131-134 ; urges appoint- 
ment of Kent to Supreme Court, 
138 ; has Seminole correspondence 
published in 1831, 145; doubtful as 
to proper reception of Lafayette, 
154 ; candidate for presidency, 
157 ; letter of Monroe to, on dis- 
union, 239, 240 ; his opinion of 
Monroe, 241. 

Cambact^res, French statesman, 
gives diinier to American envoys, 
84 ; prevents Monroe from treat- 
ing with Spain, 88. 

Camden, Lord, efforts of Lee to se- 
cure portrait of, for Virginia, 6. 

Campan, Madame, her friendship 
with Eliza Monroe, 211. 

Canning, George, negotiations of 
Monroe and Pinkney with, 104 ; 
proposes American and English 
cooperation to prevent reconquest 
of Spanish colonies, 173 ; his con- 
nection with Monroe doctrine, 
174, 175. 

Carnot, French war minister, wishes 
war with United States, 74. 

Carr, Dabney, forgotten celebrity 
of Virginia, moves appointment 
of committee of correspondence, 



Gary, Archibald, letter of Wash 
iugton to, on Monroe, 11. 

Castlereagiij Lord, on danger o! 
war from Jackson's usurpations, 
144 ; proposes joint mediation be« 
tween Spaiu and colonies, 170. 

Cevallos, Don Pedro, negotiations 
of Monroe and Pinkney with, 99. 

Chateaubriand, Vicomte de, state- 
ment of Mouroe doctrine to, by 
Gallatin, 172. 

Chatham, Lord, portrait of, sent 
to Virginians of Westmoreland 
County, 7. 

Church, Edward, approves Mon- 
roe's policy toward France, 72. 

Clay, Henry, his position in 1817, 
129 ; disappointed by not receiv- 
ing State Department under Mou- 
roe, 135 ; hostile to Mouroe'a 
administration, 135 ; opposes Ad- 
ams's Florida treaty, 146 ; can* 
didate for presidency, 157. 

Coit, Joshua, letters from, describ- 
ing Congressional feeling in 1794, 
42-47 ; on presentation of French 
flag, 66. 

Committee of Public Safety, hesi- 
tates to receive Monroe, 48 ; de- 
mands information concerning 
Jay treaty, 61. 

Confederation, Articles of, proposal 
of Monroe to amend, 20 ; the im- 
post scheme, 20, 21 ; state of gov- 
ernment imder, 22, 23. 

Congress, of the Confederation, ser- 
vices of Monroe in, 18-27 ; ques- 
tions before it in 1783, 19 ; de- 
bates proposed amendments to 
Articles of Confederation, 20 ; de' 
bates impost scheme, 21, 22 ; r 
ceives Virginia's cession of Wes 
em territory, 23 ; appoints con. 
mittee to consider division Oi 
Western territory, 25 ; debates 
Mississippi navigation, 26. 

Congress, of the United States, feel- 
ing in, over foreign affairs, illus- 
trated by Coit's letters, 42-47; 
appropriates money to secure Mi* 



INDEX 



299 



sfssippl navigation, 79 ; forces 
Madison into war with England, 
J07 ; prepares for war, 107 ; move- 
ment in, to attack conduct of 
War Department, 118 ; sustains 
Jackson in Seminole affair, 144 ; 
debates admission of Missouri, 
147 ; discusses Monroe doctrine 
in Panama debate, 176, 177 ; ap- 
plication of Monroe to, for reim- 
bursement, 232. 

Constitution, Federal, formed, 28; 
struggle over in Virginia, 28-33 ; 
reasons for Monroe's opposition 
to, 29, 30 ; in relation to power of 
secretary of war to command in 
field, 111-113 ; in relation to Mis- 
souri CoTupromise, 148-151 ; in re- 
lation to internal improvements, 
152, 182, 191-202. 

Convention, National, of France, 
receives Monroe as American min- 
ister, 49-52 ; its decree in his 
honor, 53 ; presented by Monroe 
with an American flag, 54, 55 ; 
Monroe's explanation of his deal- 
ings with, 55, 56. 

Crawford, William H., secretary of 
treasury under Monroe, 129 ; his 
character and career, 133, 134 ; 
nearly secures Republican nomi- 
nation in 1816, 134 ; on evil re- 
sults of Monroe's Northern tour, 
141, 142 ; candidate for presi- 
dency, 157. 

Croix, M. de la, summarizes French 
complaints against Jay treaty, 64. 

Crowninshield, Benjamin W., sec- 
retary of navy under Madison and 
Monroe, 130. 

CuUum, General G-. "W., on Monroe's 
action at Bladensburg, 119. 

Cumberland Road Bill, vetoed by 
Monroe, 152, 191-202, 

Dana, Feanci8, his mission to St. 
Petersburg, 130. 

Dane, Nathan, his share in slavery 
restriction in Northwest Ordi- 
nance, 25, 26. 



Dayton, Jonathan, a public dinner 
to Monroe. 67. 

Diplomatic history, servires of Mon- 
roe in, 39 ; causes for Moinoe's anf* 
Jay's missions in 1794, 40, 41, 4€ 
Monroe's instructions, 48; his ca 
reer in Paris, 48-65; slownoss o. 
communications in, 59; dealinga 
of Monroe with Lafayette, 59, 
00, 152, 153 ; efforts of Monroe 
in behalf of imprisoned seamen, 
00 ; anger of France over Jay 
treaty, 61 , 04 ; refusal of French 
to receive C. C. Pinckney, 05, 66 ; 
Thiers's view of Monroe's French 
mission, 74; Monroe's second mis- 
sion to France, 79-89; diplomatea 
involved in Louisiana negotia- 
tions, 80, 81 ; situation on arrival 
of Monroe, 31, 82 ; dealings of 
Talleyrand with Livingston, 82 ; 
Marbois oifers Louisiana to Liv- 
ingston, 83 ; American coimter 
proposition, 84, 85 ; final agree* 
ment, 85 ; opinion of Bonaparte, 
85, 86; conclusion of treaty, 86,- 
opinion of Monroe on, 89, !X) ; 
question of share of Livingston 
in, 91-93 ; Monroe's mission to 
England, 90, 97 ; Monroe's mis- 
sion to Spain, 18, 99; mission of 
Monroe and Pinkney to Eng' 
land, 99-105 ; conclusion of treaty, 
100; repudiation of treaty by Jef- 
ferson, 101 ; renewed negotiations 
between United States and Eng- 
land, 104, 105 ; events preceding 
war of 1812, 107, 108; negotiations 
of Monroe witli Foster, 108-110; 
mission of Barlow to France, 110 
cession of Florida by Spain, 146 
mission of P»,ush to England, ii 
Monroe's administration, 146, 147; 
origin of Monroe doctrine, 159- 
179. 
Directory, declares treaties between 
France and the United States 
abrogated by Jay treaty, 64; re- 
fuses to receive Pinckney, or ai' 
low tu'm to remain in Paris, 65. 



300 



INDEX 



Drayton, Col. W. H., urged by Jack- 
son for War Department, 137. 

Election of 1824, 157, 158; attitude 
of Monroe in, 158. 

England, relations with, in 1794, 40, 
41 ; attitude of Federalists to- 
ward, 43, 47, 6G ; mission of Jay 
to, 46, 47, 60 ; its interest in 
Louisiana, 79 ; renews war with 
France, 85 ; Monroe's mission to, 
97 ; causes of complaint against, 
99; controlled by liberals, 99, 100; 
mission of Monroe and Pinkuey 
to, 99-105 ; its attitude described 
by Holland, 101, 104 ; danger of 
war with, 104, 105 ; issues Orders 
in Council, 105 ; refuses to yield 
to American demands, 107 ; war 
declared with, 108 ; danger of 
war with, over Arbuthnot and 
Ambrister case, 144, 147 ; mission 
of Rush to, 146, 147. 

Erskine, David M., receives copy of 
Monroe treaty, 100. 

Eustis, William, in Madison's cabi- 
net, 107 ; blamed for disasters of 
war of 1812, 111 ; friend of Gen- 
eral Swift, 139, 

Federalists, called monarchists by 
Monroe, 30-32 ; their feeling in 
1794 on foreign affairs, illustrated 
by Coit's letters, 42-47 ; its policy 
criticised by Monroe, 68-70 ; con- 
demn Monroe's defense, 71, 72 ; 
unfriendly to Monroe in 1817, 
129 ; aim of Monroe to conciliate, 
by his Northern journey, 139. 

Fisk, Jonathan, proposes to move in 
Congress an attack on Armstrong, 
118. 

Florida, attempt of Livingston to 
acquire, 88 ; attempt of Monroe, 
98, 99 ; entered by Jackson in 
pursuit of Seminoles, 143, 144; 
ceded by Spain to United States, 
Arbuthnot and Ambrister ex- 
ecuted in 1819, 144 ; attitude of 
Monroe toward, lb4-186. 



Fortification policy, advocated by 
Monroe, 140, 191. 

Foster, Augustus John, correspond" 
ence with Monroe, 108, 109. 

Fox, Charles James, as minister, 
promises to attend to American 
demands, 99 ; his illness, 100. 

France, relations with, in 1794, 40 ; 
desire of Washington to appease, 
by appointment of Monroe, 40, 
41 ; feeling towards, in Congress, 
42-47 ; Monroe's mission to, 48- 
65 ; arrival of Monroe in, 48 ; 
danger of war with, 53; Monroe 
censured for attitude toward, 57- 
59, 64, 65 ; slowness of communi- 
cation with, 59 ; relations with, 
strained by Jay treaty, 62-64 ; 
sends a flag to Congress, 66 ; ef- 
fect of Monroe's mission upon, 
according to Thiers, 74 ; attitude 
of Jefferson toward, in 1802, 76 ; 
receives Louisiana from Spain, 
78 ; sells it to United States, 79 ; 
its reasons, 80, 85; promises to 
aid United States to acquire Flor- 
ida, 88 ; despotic power of Napo- 
leon in, 95, 96; mission of Bar- 
low to, 110; its policy as to com- 
mercial decrees, 110. 

"Gabriel, General," leader of 
slave plot, 36. 

Gallatin, Albert, in Madison's cabi- 
net, 107 ; favors Monroe's appoint- 
ment to War Department, 115; 
letter of Crawford to, on Monroe, 
142 ; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 
172. 

Genet, Edward C, disavowed by 
French government, 42. 

Gore, Christopher, letter of Fisher 
Ames to, 71. 

Gouverneur, Samuel L., son-in-law 
of Monroe, 211 ; not appointed to 
office by Monroe, 223 ; Monroe 
lives at his residence, 231 ; letter 
to Monroe on attack from Ten- 
nessee, 238, 239. 

Grayson, William, his share in iiv 



INDEX 



301 



troducing slavery restriction into 
Norttiwest Ordinance, 25 ; op- 
poses ratification of Constitution, 
29 ; elected senator, deatli, 33. 

Greece, sympatiiy of Monroe for, 
203, 204. 

Grenville, Lord, appoints Auckland 
and Holland to treat with Monroe 
and Pinkney, 100. 

Grigsby, H. B., on volunteering of 
Marshall and Monroe in 1776, 8, 3. 

Hamilton, Alexander, hostility of 
Monroe to, 34 ; attacked by Mon- 
roe in Callender case, 74. 

Hamilton, Paul, in Madison's cabi- 
net, 107. 

Hardy, , on committee to pre- 
sent Virginia's cession of western 
lauds, 23, 

Harper, Robert G., censures Monroe 
for his ^'View," 71, 72; accuses 
Monroe of bribery, 72. 

Harrison, Benjamin, letter of Mon- 
roe to, 24. 

Harrowby, Lord, dealings of Monroe 
with, 97. 

Hawkesbury, Lord, dealings of Mon- 
roe with, 97. 

Hay, George, son-in-law of Monroe, 
211 ; refusal of Monroe to appoint 
to office, 223 ; advises Monroe to 
write history of his times, 224. 

Henry, Patrick, his speech at Wil- 
liamsburg, 9 ; appointed delegate 
to Federal Convention, 28; op- 
poses ratification of Constitution, 
28. 

Hildreth, Richard, on Monroe's in- 
tegrity, 72. 

Holland, Lord, on commission to 
treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 
100; describes the negotiations, 
101-104. 

Howison, Robert R., quoted, 35. 

Internal Improvements, debated 
in Monroe's administration, 152 ; 
held unconstitutional by Monrc^, 
152, 182. 



Jackson, Andrew, letter of Monroe 
to, on Federalists, 30-32 ; dis- 
patches of Monroe to, during war 
of 1812, 12t;, 127 ; his friendship 
with Monroe, 129, 13() ; declines 
War Department, 13(5 ; suggests 
cabinet officers, 137 ; letters of 
Monroe to, 137 ; sent to punish 
Indian outrages, 143; considers 
his policy ratified in advance by 
Monroe, 143 ; his conduct in Flor- 
ida, 144 ; nearly brings on war, 
144; upheld by Adams, and by 
Congress, 144 ; claims Monroe's 
approval, 145; his course mildly 
deprecated by Monroe, 145; can- 
didate for presidency in 1824, 157 ; 
attitude of Monroe toward, in 
1827, 237. 

Jacobin Club, Monroe's opinion of, 
75. 

Jay, John, profKises abandonment 
of Mississippi navigation, 27 ; hia 
appointment as minister to Eng- 
land opposed by Monroe, 34 ; rea- 
sons for his appointment, 41, 46 ; 
concludes treaty with England, 
60 ; condemned by Monroe, 62-64. 

Jay treaty, information concerning, 
asked of Monroe by France, 61 ; 
condemned as shameful by Mon- 
roe, 62-64. 

Jefferson, Thomas, appoints Monroe 
military commissioner, 12 ; gives 
Monroe a letter to Franklin, 13; 
law studies of Monroe with, 13; 
Monroe advised by Jones to con- 
tinue studies with, 13-15 ; his in- 
fluence upon Monroe, 15, 16 ; his 
Eifelong friendship with Monroe, 
16 ; ills behavior in 1782 criticisec 
by Monroe, 18 ; explains to Monroe 
his failure to publish notes on 
Virginia, 18 ; wishes Monroe ta 
travel in Europe, 18 ; correspond- 
ence of Monroe with, while in 
Congress, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24 ; on 
committee to deliver Virginia's 
cession of western lands, 23 ; on 
monaichicai aims of Federalists, 



302 



INDEX 



32 ; letters of Monroe to, on Con- 
stitution, in 1788, 32; letters of 
Monroe to, during senatorial term, 

33 ; at dinner to Monroe after his 
return from France, G7 ; his later 
attitude toward France, 76 ; ad- 
vises Monroe to enter Congress, 
77 ; as President, communicates 
to Congress news of cession of 
Louisiana by Spain to France, 78 ; 
names Monroe as special envoy to 
France, 79 ; his share in credit 
of Louisiana treaty, 80, 90 ; plans 
exploration of Louisiana, 94 ; re- 
ceives Monroe's treaty, 100 ; re- 
fuses to submit treaty to Senate, 
101 ; tries to be neutral between 
Monroe and Madison, 105 ; contin- 
ues Monroe's friend, 129 ; antici- 
pates Monroe doctrine, 166, 168, 
169, 171, 173 ; consulted by Mon- 
roe, 173 ; letter of Monroe to, an- 
nouncing marriage, 209 ; regent in 
University of Virginia, 231 ; his 
opinion of Monroe, 240 ; obliga- 
tions of Monroe to, 247. 

fennings, Edmund, at Lee's request, 
endeavors to secure a portrait of 
Camden, 6 ; sends Lee a portrait 
of Chatham, 7. 

Jones, Eliza, mother of James Mon- 
roe, 4. 

Jones, Joseph, uncle of Monroe, his 
career, 4 ; consulted by Monroe as 
to law studies, 13 ; advises him to 
continue with Jefferson rather 
than to attend Wythe's lectures, 
14, 15 ; correspondence of Monroe 
- with, 19, 56, 62, 67, 75, 97, 208. 

Jones, William, secretary of navy, 
at battle of Bladensburg, 126. 

Kennedy, John P., his life of Wirt 
quoted, 134, 198 ; on Monroe's im- 
partiality in 1824, 158. 

Kent, James, his appointment to 
supreme court urged by Wirt and 
Calhoun, 138 ; refused by Monroe 
on party grounds, 138. 

Kmg, Rufus, tries to secure exclu- 



sion of slavery from Northwest 
25 ; adds fugitive slave clause, 26, 
candidate for President in 1816, 
128 ; opposes admission of Mis. 
souri as a slave State, 147. 

Kortwright, Eliza, marriage witl 
Monroe, 208-210 ; her appearance 
at President's levees, 215, 216; 
described by Watson, 226; grief 
of Monroe at her death, 226. 

Kortwright, Lawrence, father-in* 
law of Monroe, 209. 

Lafayette, Madame, aided by Mon- 
roe, 59, 153. 

Lafayette, Marquis de, wounded at 
Monmouth, with Monroe, 10; 
efforts of Monroe to secure re- 
lease of, 59, 152, 153 ; his visit to 
America, 153-155, 206, 251 ; his 
friendly letters to Monroe, 15^, 
155 ; offers Monroe pecuniary as- 
sistance, 157, 232. 

Lar^veilliere, , his policy iuflu« 

enced by Monroe, 74. 

Lawrence, William Beach, trans- 
lates Barb«5 Marbois's history o( 
Louisiana, 78. 

Lee, Arthur, on committee to pre- 
sent Virginia's cession of West- 
ern lands, 23. 

Lee, Henry, neighbor of Monroe, 5. 

Lee, Richard Henry, neighbor of 
Monroe, 5 ; remonstrates against 
Stamp Act, 6 ; collects subscrip- 
tions for a portrait of Camden, 6 ; 
his correspondence with Jennings 
on the subject, 6 ; acknowledgec 
receipt of Chatham's portrait, 7 ; 
correspondence of Monroe with, 
19 ; yields exclusion of slavery 
from Northwest, 25 ; elected sen- 
ator, 33. 

Livingston, Robert R., declines 
French mission, 40 ; minister in 
France at time of Louisiana 
treaty, 79, 80 ; welcomes Monroe 
on arrival, 81 ; denies that United 
States wishes all of Louisiana, 
82 ; discusses project with Monroe 



INDEX 



303 



•nd Marbois, 83 ; contimies dis- 
cussion with Marbois and reports 
to Madison, 83 ; suggests re-sale of 
Louisiana, 83 ; agrees with Monroe 
to offer forty million francs, 84 ; 
congratulates Monroe on conclu- 
sion of treaty, 86 ; negotiates with 
Spain without notifying Monroe, 
89 ; chagrined at Monroe's share 
in treaty, 91 ; explains to Madison 
Monroe's minor part in negotia- 
tions, 92, 93. 
Louisiana, ceded by Spain to France, 
78 ; history of treaty ceding to 
United States, 79-89 ; suggestion 
of selling it to reimburse United 
States, 83 ; question as to its re- 
lation to Florida, 88, 98 ; conse- 
quences of its acquisition, 93-96. 

McHenry, James, letter to Wash- 
ington on impost scheme of 1785, 
20. 

McKean, Thomas, at public dinner 
to Monroe, 67. . 

McLane, Louis, opposes Panama 
Congress, 176. 

McLean, John T., postmaster-gen- 
eral under Monroe, 130 ; letter of 
Monroe to, on his own career, 
233-238 ; his opinion of Monroe's 
impartiality, 241. 

Madison, James, his opinion of 
George Mason, 2 ; his birthplace 
near that of Monroe, 5 ; corre- 
spondence of Monroe with, while 
in Congress, 19-22, 24, 209; in 
Federal Convention, 28 ; sus- 
pected by Monroe of unfriendli- 
ness, 28 ; in Virginia urges ratifi- 
cation, 28 ; attempt of Randolph 
to use Monroe against, 37 ; de- 
clines French mission, 40 ; con- 
nection with Louisiana treaty, 
86, 89, 91 ; instructs Monroe to 
treat with England, 96 ; connec- 
tion with Monroe treaty, 99, 100 ; 
instructs envoys to renew nego- 
tiations, 101 ; his candidacy for 
Republican nomination, 105 ; re- 



ceives indorsement of Virginia, 
105 ; elected President, 107 ; his 
cabinet, 107 ; favors peace, 107 ; 
urged by Monroe to dismiss Arm- 
strong as inefficient, 111-119; re- 
fuses to do so, 119; at battle of 
Bladensburg, 120, 122-124; gives 
Monroe charge of War Depart- 
ment, 124 ; continues friendly 
with Monroe, 129 ; anticipates 
Monroe doctrine, 107 ; Monroe's 
affection for, in later years, 225, 
226 ; correspondence with Mon- 
roe in 1831, 227-230; regent of 
University of Virginia, 231 ; his 
opinion of Monroe, 240. 

Marbois, Barbe, his history of Lou- 
isiana purchase, 78 ; minister of 
treasury under Napoleon, 81 ; 
told by Napoleon to sell Louisi- 
ana, 82 ; discusses project with 
Livingston and Monroe, 83 ; re- 
jects offer of forty millions, 84 ; 
warns Americans, 85 ; proposes a 
treaty, 85 ; on Bonaparte's acqui- 
escence, 85, 86 ; letter of Monroe 
to, on conclusion of treaty, 89' 
91. 

Marshall, John, volunteers in 1776 
with Monroe, 8, 9 ; original mem- 
ber of Phi Beta Kappa, 9 ; urges 
ratification of Constitution, 28. 

Mason, Gen. , at battle of Bla- 
densburg, 123. 

Mason, George, forgotten celebrity 
of Virginia, 2 ; in Federal Conven- 
tion, 28 ; opposes ratification of 
Constitution, 29. 

Mason, Tliompson, forgotten celeb- 
rity of Virginia, 2. 

Masson, , aide-de-camp, aids 

Monroe to help Lafayette, 153. 

Meade, Bishop, on Virginia's early 
struggles for civil liberty, 7 ; com- 
pares Williamsburg to London, 8 

Meigs, R. J., postmaster-general 
under Monroe, 130. 

Mercer, Col. Hugh, services of 
Monroe under, 9. 

Merlin de Douai, receives Monroe 



304 



INDEX 



before National Convention, 53; 
demands a copy of Jay treaty, 61. 

Messages, presidential, of Monroe, 
180-207. See under Monroe, 
James. 

Mississippi, navigation of, question 
of its maintenance under Confed- 
eration, 26, 27 ; hopes of United 
States to obtain through France 
from Spain, 48 ; blocked by Spain 
after cession of Louisiana to 
France, 78 ; secured by Louisiana 
purchase, 79. 

Missouri, debate over its admission, 
147 ; compromise concerning, 147, 
148 ; Monroe's views on, 148-151 ; 
Adams's view of, 151. 

Monroe, Andrew, stipposed ancestor 
of James Monroe, 249. 

Monroe, Andrew, brother of James, 
letter of Monroe concerning, 76. 

Monroe, Eliza, daughter of James 
Monroe, her marriage, 211 ; her 
friendship with Hortense Beau- 
harnais, 211 ; described by Mrs. 
Tuley, 216. 

Monroe, Hector, ancestor of James 
Monroe, 4. 

Monroe, James, annals of his life^ 
xi.-xiii. ; summary of his career, 
1, 2, 3; ancestry, 4; birth, 4; 
college studies, 7, 8 ; volunteers 
at outbreak of Revolution, 8. 
In Continental Army. Serves 
under Washington near New York, 
9, 10 ; wounded at Trenton, 10 ; 
on Stirling's staff in battles near 
Philadelpliia, 10, 11; loses place 
in line, 11 ; recommended by 
Washington and others for place 
in Virginia forces, 11, 12 ; acts as 
military commissioner, 12 ; cha- 
grined at failure to obtain promo- 
tion, 12, 13 ; thinks of going to 
France, 13 ; studies law under 
Jefferson, 13 ; dissuaded by Judge 
Jones from abandoning Jefferson 
for Wythe, 13, 15 ; expresses grat- 
itude to Jefferson, 15, 16 ; his 
career shaped by Jefferson's iuflu- 



ence, 16 ; his life-long associatioa 
with Jefferson, 16. 

Political Leader in Virginia. 
Review of his services to Virginia, 
17, 18 ; inconspicuous in Virginia 
House of Delegates, 18 ; his ca- 
reer in Congress, 18, 19 ; on pro- 
blems of peace, 19 ; favors revision 
of Articles of Confederation, 20 j 
favors collection of imposts by 
States, 20 ; thinks it best to post- 
pone action, 21 ; describes oppo- 
sition to plan, 21, 22 ; does not 
favor plan of Annapolis Conven- 
tion, 22 ; later wishes to aid it, 
22 ; describes secessionist feeling 
in New England, 23 ; thinks regu- 
lation of commerce by United 
States necessary to preserve 
Union, 23 ; delivers Virginia's ces- 
sion of Northwest Territory to 
Congress, 23 ; his tour in North- 
west, 23, 24 ; views on relations 
with English in Canada, 24; his 
second journey, 24 ; leads in con- 
sideration of organization of 
Western territory, 25 ; later in 
Virginia Assembly introduces bill 
ratifying Ordinance of 1787, 26 ; 
writes argument proving right to 
Mississippi navigation, 27 ; ac- 
cepts position as arbitrator be- 
tween New York and Massachu- 
setts, 27 ; opposes Jay's proposed 
Spanish treaty, 27 ; hopes for suc- 
cess from Federal Convention, 28. 

In Virginia Ratifying Conven- 
tion. Opposes ratiiication of Con- 
stitution, 28, 29 ; his first speech 
against it, 29 ; sums up his objeo 
tions, 30 ; finally agrees to cod 
ditional ratification, 30 ; later de- 
scribes Federalists as monarclr 
ists, 30-32 ; tries at first to be non- 
committal, 32 ; writes address to 
constituents, 32 ; writes pamphlet 
on Federal Government, 33. 

United States Senator. Elected 
to succeed Grayson, 33 ; incon* 
spicuous in debate, 33; opposM 



7f 



inde: 



305 



Washington's administration, 33 ; 
threatens Washington with ex- 
posure of Hamilton, 3-1 ; opposes 
Hamilton's financial measures, 
ai; urges coercion of England, 34 ; 
opposes appointments of Morris 
and Jay, 34 ; surprised to receive 
appointment to French mission, 
34,40. 

Governor of Virginia. His two 
terms, 35 ; bitter comments of 
Federalists on his election, 35 ; 
suppresses negro slave plot, 35, 
3G ; efforts of Randolph to turn 
him against Madison, 36, 37 ; later 
charged by Randolph with time- 
serving, 37 ; charged by Randolph 
with having planned armed resist- 
ance to Union in 1800, 37, 38. 

Envoy to France. Difficulties 
of his diplomatic career, 39 ; rea- 
sons for his appointment, 40, 41 ; 
his instructions, 48 ; directed to 
work for opening of Mississippi, 
48 ; reaches Paris after fall of 
Robespierre, 48 ; much delay in 
his reception, 49 ; writes letter 
to president of convention, 49 ; 
appears before convention, his 
address, 49-51 ; carried away by 
his enthusiasm, 51 ; French ac- 
count of his reception, 52, 53 ; 
presents through Barney a flag to 
the convention, 54, 55 ; present 
at interment of Rousseau, 55 ; tells 
why he presented the flag, 55 ; 
describes his perilous situation, 
55 ; appeals from the Committee 
of Public Safety to the convention, 
55 ; justifies language of his ad- 
dress, 50 ; severely criticised by 
Randolph, 57, 58 ; reports nego- 
tiations concerning Morris's pass- 
ports, 59 ; negotiates in behalf 
of Lafayette, 59 ; and of impris- 
oned Americans, 60 ; aids Tho- 
mas Paine, 60 ; condemns Jay 
treaty as shameful, 62 ; accuses 
Jay of misleading him, 62, 63; 
dissuades Directory from sending 



a special envoy to complain, G4 ; 
censured by Pickering, C4, 65; 
superseded by Pinckney, 65 ; said 
to have prevented recognition 
of Pinckney by Directorate, 66 ; 
praised by Pinckney, 66 ; thinks 
his recall delayed to prevent his 
return before election, 67 ; wel- 
comed by Republicans, 67 ; de- 
mands reasons for recall, 67 ; im- 
polite to Washington, 67 ; pub-» 
lishes pamphlet attacking foreign 
policy of Washington, 68 ; enu- 
meration of his points of com- 
plaint, 68-70 ; comments of Wash- 
ington upon, 70, 71 ; anger of 
Federalists against, 71 ; accused 
of incompetence and corruption, 
71, 72 ; his honesty admitted by 
Hildreth, 72 ; his policy praised 
by Thiers, 74 ; controversy with 
Hamilton m Callender affair, 74 ; 
angry at publication of his dis- 
patches concerning Jacobins, 75; 
his letters home during his French 
mission, 75, 76 ; advised by Jef- 
ferson to come into Congress, 77. 
Louisiana Purchase. His opin- 
ion of Barbe Marbois's book, 78 ; 
sent as special envoy to secure 
outlet of Mississippi, 79 ; wel- 
comed by Livingston, 81 ; learns 
of readiness of French to sell 
territory, 82 ; discusses matter 
with Livingston, S3 ; not informed 
by Livingston of progress of ne- 
gotiations, 83 ; his presentation to 
Bonaparte delayed by Talleyrand, 
84 ; offers forty million francs, 
84 ; later agrees to eighty, 85 ; 
congratulates Livingston on suc- 
cess, 86 ; at same time complains 
of Livingston's jealousy, 87 ; his 
farewell interview with Bona- 
parte, 87, 88 ; determines to treat 
with Spain for Florida, 88 ; pre- 
vented by Cambaceres, 88; dis- 
covers that Livingston has tried 
to anticipate him, 89 ; letter to 
Marbois ou treaty and on Jerome 



306 



INDEX 



Bonaparte's marriage, 89-91 ; let- 
ter of Livingston depreciates his 
share in transactions, 91-93. 

Missions to Spain and England. 
Instructed by Madison to propose 
a convention to England, 96 ; his 
irritating reception by Harrowby, 
97 ; abandons negotiations, 97 ; 
hopes to return and practice law 
in Richmond, 97 ; directs sale of 
land, 97 ; dissatisfied with diplo- 
macy as a career, 98 ; solicits aid 
of Talleyrand to secure West Flor- 
ida, 98 ; negotiates vainly with 
Spanish minister, 99 ; joined in 
London by Pinkney, 99 ; with 
him concludes a treaty in 1806, 
100 ; his candor praised by Lord 
Holland, 102 ; his personality and 
conduct of negotiations described, 
102, 103 ; returns to America, 
draws up defense of his conduct, 
105 ; a candidate for presidency 
against Madison, 105 ; reelected 
governor of Virginia, 105; his 
failure not due to lack of abil- 
ity, but to circumstances, 106. 

Secretary of State and of War. 
Succeeds Smith as secretary of 
state, 107 ; communicates decla- 
ration of war to England, 108 ; 
his career during war, 108 ; thinks 
of taking field in person, 108 ; 
controversy with Foster over 
rights of neutral trade, 108-110 ; 
his instructions to Barlow rela- 
tive to France, 110 ; distrasts 
ability of Armstrong as secretai-y 
of war, 111 ; writes letter to 
Madison protesting against Arm- 
strong's plan to serve in field, 
111-113; discredits Armstrong's 
capacity, 113-115 ; offers to take 
Department of "War himself, 114- 
116 ; later, on political grounds, 
protests against Armstrong's con- 
duct, 117-119 ; accuses War De- 
partment of corruption, 118, 119; 
said to have interfered at battle 
of Bladensburg, 119 ; watches 



British advance on Washington 
120 ; his conduct reviewed, 121 , 
writes narrative of his doings, 
122-124 ; acts as military com* 
mander pro tempo? e, 124 ; orders 
Winder to arrange batteries, 125 ; 
on Winder's refusal, orders him 
off the field, 125 ; his conduct de- 
scribed by Robinson, 125, 126 ; 
invigorates war administration, 
126, 127. 
President of the United States. 
Vote for, in elections, 128 ; his 
advisers and associates, 129 ; his 
cabinet, 129-135 ; narrowly es- 
capes defeat by Crawford for 
nomination, 134 ; anger of Clay 
with, 135 ; his friendly relations 
with Jackson, 136, 137 ; his rea- 
sons for selection of cabinet oflQ- 
cers, 137, 138 ; aims to have a 
Republican administration, 137 ; 
refuses to appoint Kent to Su- 
preme Court, 138 ; principal ques* 
tions in his term of office, 138 ; 
his journey in the North, its po- 
litical significance, 139-142 ; os- 
tensibly travels to inspect harbor 
defenses, 139 ; his addresses, 140, 
141 ; Crawford's opinion of effects 
of his tour, 141, 142 ; stirs enthu- 
siasm in North, 142 ; makes a 
Southern journey, 143; denies hav- 
ing given Jackson authority in 
Seminole campaign, 145; depre- 
cates tone of his dispatches, 145 ; 
in Missouri struggle, predicts even- 
tual success of free States, 148 ; 
fears secession, 148 ; discusses 
doubtfully the right of Congress to 
impose resti ictions on a State, 148- 
151; doubts policy of restricting 
slavery, 150, 151 ; vetoes Cumber- 
land Road Bill, 152 ; his reasons, 
152 ; his dealings with Lafayette 
in Europe, 152, 153 ; welcomes 
Lafayette on his visit, 154 ; let- 
ters of Lafayette to, 154-157 ; re- 
mains neutral in presidential coir 
test of 1824, 158. 



INDEX 



307 



Connection with 3fonroe Doc- 
trine. Not clear how he came to 
phrase it so well, 159 ; lacks lit- 
erary skill, 159, ICO ; his message 
of December, 1823, IGO-lG-i ; does 
not realize importance of his ac- 
tion, 1G4 ; merely aims to express 
accepted tradition, 1G4 ; early sug- 
gests the policy, IGG ; in 1818 
suggests aiding independence of 
Spanish colonies, 170 ; asks Jef- 
ferson's opinion on cooperating 
with England against Holy Alli- 
ance, 173 ; said by Plainer to 
have doubted propriety of doc- 
trine in message, 174 ; praised by 
a member of his family as author 
of doctrine, 175, 176; held by 
Reddaway to be merely nominal 
author, 177, 178 ; his real credit 
for it, 178, 179 ; writes long an- 
nual messages, 180 ; summary of 
his messages, 180-207 ; inaugural 
address, 180, 181 ; first annual 
message, December, 1817, 181 ; 
special message of January, 1818, 
183 ; second annual message, No- 
vember, 1818, 183, 184 ; third an- 
nual message, December, 1819, 
184, 185 ; special message on slave 
trade, 186 ; fourth annual mes- 
sage of November, 1820, 186, 187 ; 
second inaugural address, 187, 
188 ; fifth annual message, De- 
cember, 1821, 189, 190; special 
messages in 1822, 190, 191 ; veto 
message on Cumberland Road 
Bill, 191-202 ; sixth annual mes- 
sage, December, 1822, 202, 203 ; 
seventh annual message, on Mon- 
roe doctrine, December, 1823, 
203, 204 ; special message of Feb- 
ruary, 1824, 204 ; last annual mes- 
sage in December, 1824, 205, 20G ; 
special messages in 1825, 20G, 207. 

Private Life. Engaged to Miss 
Kortwright, 208 •, advised by Judge 
Jones, 208, 209 ; announces to Jef- 
ferson his marriage, 209, 210 ; de- 
cides to settle in Fredericksburg, 



210 ; his children, 211 ; his inter- 
est in his relatives, 211 ; his ad- 
vice to his nephew, 212, 213 ; de- 
scription of his person and char- 
acter, by Wirt, 213, 214 ; his pre- 
sidential levee described, 215, 216; 
describes to Gouverneur his auto- 
biographical work, 217, 218 ; de- 
scribed in old age by Watson, 
218-22G ; his correspondence in 
old age with Madison, 227-230. 
I7i Eetirement. His residence. 
231 ; becomes regent of Univer- 
sity of Virginia, 231 ; declines to 
serve on electoral ticket, 231 ; his 
correspondence and literary am- 
bitions, 231, 232 ; pecuniary diffi- 
culties, 232 ; fails to obtain relief 
from Congress, 232 ; very retro- 
spective in old age, 232, 233 ; in 
letter to McLean, discusses hi", 
own career, 233-238 ; criticised 
by Jackson's Tennessee friends, 

238, 239 ; writes to Calhoun pre- 
dicting disaster from disunion, 

239, 240 ; contemporary estimates 
of his ability, 240-244; not ap- 
preciated by his countrymen, 244; 
suffers from lack of collected 
works, 244 ; suffers by compari- 
son with Washington, Marshall, 
Hamilton, and Jefferson, 245; 
view of his political wisdom and 
integrity, 245 ; religious views, 
245 ; soundness of his state pa- 
pers, 246 ; does not express con- 
victions on slavery, 246 ; his one 
idea is American independence, 
24G, 247 ; much aided by Jeffer- 
son and Madison, 247 ; at first a 
pnrtisan, grows later above party, 
247 ; variety of his services, 247 ; 
popular, in spite of enemies, 248 ; 
final summary, 248 ; death and 
burial, 248 ; genealogy, 249 ; de- 
scription of his estate, 250, 251. 

Personal Characteri.^tics. Gen- 
eral estimates of, 1, 2, 80, 102, 
103, 177, 240 - 248 ; unfriendly 
views, 57, 58, C5, 70-72, 92, 248, 



308 



INDEX 



252-2G0; caution, 221, 222 ; cour- 
age, 8, 10, 11, 108, 125; debate, 
powers of, 33, 223 ; diplomatic 
ability, 39, 74, 93, 106 ; education, 
224 ; enthusiasm, 51, 72, 93, 108, 
127, 245; family life, 76, 97, 211- 
213, 246; friendliness, 129, 136, 
154, 155, 221, 225, 228, 229 ; im- 
partiality, 158, 241, 245 ; integ- 
rity, 72, 232, 245 ; literary ability, 
159, 217, 218, 223, 246 ; manners, 
102, 214, 219, 220 ; military abil- 
ity, 120, 123-125, 126; modesty, 
224 ; partisanship, 34, 40, 67, 74, 
114, 245, 247 ; personal appear- 
ance, 214, 215, 218, 219; passion- 
ateness, 220 ; religious views, 
245, 246 ; self-judgments, 234-239 ; 
slowness, 113, 220. 
Political Opinions. Articles of 
Confederation, 19, 20,22, 28 ; cabi- 
net, formation of, 137 ; civil ser- 
vice in politics, 233, 245 ; Consti- 
tution of the United States, 28- 
30, 112, 149-151, 192-201 ; dis- 
union, 148, 149, 239 ; England, 102, 
109, 189 ; ex-Presidents, 221, 231 ; 
Federalist party, 30-32, 34, 68-70, 
137, 138; finance, 34; Florida, 

88, 98, 184, 188 ; fortification of 
seaports, 140, 180, 191 ; France, 
policy toward, 40, 48-51, 55-57, 
60, 64, 65, 68-70, 88, 102, 110, 
190 ; Greece, revolt of, 203, 204 ; 
impost scheme, 20-22 ; Indians, 
181-183, 188, 190, 206; internal 
improvements, 152, 181, 182, 191, 
195-202, 203, 204 ; Jacobin Club, 
75 ; Jackson's Florida career, 
145, 237 ; Jay treaty, 62-64; Lou- 
isiana purchase, 83, 84, 86, 87, 

89, 90 ; Mississippi navigation, 26, 
27, 30, 78, 98 ; Missouri Compro- 
mise, 149-151 ; Monroe doctrine, 
160-164, 166, 170, 174, 178; neu- 
tral trade, 108-110 ; Northwest 
Territory, 23, 24; office, appoint- 
ments to, 118, 119 ; presidential 
ambition, 37, 105 ; public senti- 
ment, obedience to, 221, 223 ; sla- 



very, 150, 204, 246 ; Spanish cold 
nies, 163, 183, 189, 191, 203, 206; 
States' rights, 37, 38, 194 ; Territc 
ries, power of Congress over, 14£ 
150 ; war of 1812, its conduct, 111 
119, 126, 127; West India trade, 
189 ; bibliography of writings by 
and concerning, 260-277. 

Monroe, John, supposed ancestor of 
James Monroe, 249. 

Monroe, Jolm, joins in remonstrance 
against Stamp Act, 6. 

Monroe, Joseph, interest of Lionroe 
hi, 76. 

Monroe, Maria, daughter of Monroe, 
her marriage, 211 ; described by 
Mrs. Tuley, 216. 

Monroe, Spence, father of James 
Monroe, 4 ; joins in remonstrance 
against Stamp Act, 6. 

Monroe doctrine, difficulty of tra- 
cing Monroe's share in framing, 
15J, 160 ; Monroe's message con- 
taining, 160-164 ; not meant by 
Monroe to do more than sum 
up acknowledged policy, 164 ; a 
gradual development in American 
policy, 164, 165 ; begins with idea 
of independence, 165 ; prefigured 
by Fownall, 165, 166 ; by Jeffer- 
son, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173; by 
Washington, 166, 167 ; by Madi- 
son, 167 ; by John Adams, 168 ; 
by Rush, 170, 171 ; by Gallatin, 
172 ; by J. Q. Adams, 172, 174 ; 
by Canning, 173 ; share of Adams 
in making, 174, 178; not origi- 
nated by Canning, 174 ; debated 
in Congress in struggle over Pan- 
ama Congress, 176, 177 ; views of 
Reddaway upon, 177, 178; real 
credit for, discussed, 178, 179 ; bib- 
liography of, 277-294. 

Monroe family, origin of, 249, 250. 

Moore, Thomas, his satire on Wash- 
ington city, 251. 

Morris, Gouverneur, his nomination 
as minister to France opposed by 
Monroe, as he had decried the 
French Revolution, 34, 68; suo* 



[NDEX 



300 



ceeded by Monroe, 34, 40 ; diffi- 
culties about his passports, 59. 

Mouiittlorence, Major, dealings with 
Monroe in Paris, 235. 

Mulgrave, Lord, in English foreign 
office, 99. 

IJiCHOLAS, John, letter of Washing- 
ton to, on Monroe's " View," 68. 

i^oland, R. W. N., describes Mon- 
roe's estate, 250, 251. 

Northwest Territory, ceded to Uni- 
ted States, 23 ; travels of Monroe 
in, 23, 24 ; ordinance for govern- 
ment in, 25, 26. 

Onis, Luis de, signs treaty ceding 
Florida to United States, 146. 

Paine, Thomas, efforts of Monroe 
to aid, in Paris, 60 ; his influence 
over Monroe, 65 ; letter of Jeffer- 
son to, 169. 

Panama Congress, debate over, in- 
volves Monroe doctrine, 176. 

Patterson, Elizabeth, marries Je- 
rome Bonaparte, 90. 

Perceval, Spencer, makes war with 
United States inevitable, 107. 

" Pharaoh," reveals negro plot, 36. 

Phi Beta Kappa Society, founded 
at William and Mary College, 9 ; 
its meeting-place and original 
members, 9. 

Pichon, L. A., on Monroe's treach- 
ery to Piuckney, 65. 

Pickering, Timothy, succeeds Ran- 
dolph, 64 ; censures Monroe se- 
verely, 64, 65 ; asked by Monroe 
for reasons for his recall, 67. 

Piuckney, Charles, negotiates for 
West Florida, 99. 

Pinckney, Charles C, succeeds 
Monroe as minister to France, 65 ; 
refused reception by Directory, 
65 ; said by Pichon to have been 
plotted against by Monroe, 65 ; 
asserts Monroe to have been help- 
ful, 66. 

Pinckney, Thomas, Washington's 



first choice for French mission, 
40. 

Pinkney, William, joined with Mon- 
roe to treat with England, 99 ; 
concludes treaty, 100 ; in Mad- 
ison's cabinet, 107 ; draws decla^ 
ration of war, 108. 

Pitt, William, his ministry of 1804, 
97 ; his death, 99. 

Plumer, William, gives credit for 
Monroe doctrine to Adams, 174. 

Pope, William, remark of Wirt to, 
on presidential ambition, 135. 

Pownall, Thomas, anticipates Mon- 
roe doctrine in 1780, 165. 

Price, considered in connection with 
French mission, 40. 

Prosser, Thomas, his share in slave 
insurrection, 35. 

QuiNCY, JosiAH, on Clay's opposition 
to Monroe, 135. 

Randolph, Edmund, letter to Wash- 
ington on impost scheme, 22 ; sus- 
pected by Monroe of hostility, 28 ; 
urges ratification of Constitution, 
28 ; tells Monroe of reasons for 
his appointment to French mis- 
sion, 41 ; his instructions to Mon- 
roe, 48 ; censures Monroe for con< 
duct toward the Convention, 57, 
58 ; succeeded by Pickering, 64. 

Randolph, John, his effort to use 
Monroe as a rival to Madison, 36, 
37 ; quarrels with Monroe, 37 ; 
accuses him of planning secession 
in 1800, 37, 38 ; prominent in Mis- 
souri debate, 147 ; Monroe's opin- 
ion of, 222. 

Randolph, Peyton, remark of 
Tucker upon, 2. 

Reddaway, W. F., quoted, 177, 178. 

Republican party, Monroe a leader 
of, m Senate, 33, 34; welcomes 
Monroe after French mission, 67 ; 
defends him against Federalists, 
71, 72, 73 ; nominates Madison for 
president over Monroe, 105 ; electa 
Monroe president, 128; its lead* 



310 



INDEX 



ers, 129-138 ; popularity of Craw- 
ford with, 133, 134. 

Revolution, war of, share of Mon- 
roe in, 9-12. 

Rewbell, Jean Francois, his policy 
influenced by Monroe, 74. 

Reynolds, Joshua, desired by Vir- 
ginians to paint a portrait of Cam- 
den, 6. 

Rhea, John, question of his having 
given Monroe's instructions to 
Jackson in Seminole war, 145. 

Rives, William C, opposes Monroe 
doctrine, 176. 

Robespierre, M. M. I., his fall, 48. 

Robinson, William, describes Mon- 
roe's activity at Bladensburg, 125. 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Monroe at 
interment of, 55. 

Rush, Richard, describes campaign 
of Bladensburg, 121 ; prominent 
politician in 1817, 129 ; appointed 
minister to England, 134 ; remark 
of Castlereagh to, on danger of 
war, 144 ; his negotiations, 146 ; 
announces to Castlereagh the in- 
tentions of United States with re- 
gard to the Spanish colonies, 170, 
171. 

Russell, Jonathan, thinks war with 
England unavoidable, 107. 

Russia, dispute over its possessions 
in North America, 160. 

Sbminoles, war with, 143 ; part 
played by Jackson in, 143-145. 

Senate of the United States, services 
of Monroe in, 33, 34. 

Shelby, Isaac, declines War Depart- 
ment under Monroe, 130 ; his ap- 
pointment opposed by Jackson, 
137. 

Short, William, letters of Jefferson 
to, on Monroe doctrine, 109, 171. 

Slavery, how excluded from North- 
west, 25, 26. 

Smith, Robert, succeeded by Monroe 
as secretary of state, 107. 

Smith, Samuel, connection with Je- 
rome Bonaparte, 90. 



Southard, S. L., in Monroe's cabt 
net, 130 u. 

Spain, opposes Mississippi naviga- 
tion, 26, 27 ; sells Louisiana to 
France, 78, 79 ; dealings of Liv- 
ingston with, concerning Florida, 
88, 89 ; Monroe's mission to, with 
Pinkney, 98, 99 ; danger of war 
with, over Jackson's conduct, 144 ; 
cedes Florida, 140 ; references to, 
in Monroe's messages, 182, 184- 
ISO ; its slowness to ratify Florida 
treaty, 185, 180, 190. 

Spanish-American republics, pro- 
tected in " Monroe doctrine " 
message, 161-104 ; referred to in 
other messages, 188, 190, 206. 

Sparks, Jared, quoted, 70. 

Stamp Act, protested against by 
Westmoreland County, 6. 

Stansbury, General Tobias E., at 
battle of Bladensburg, 120, 123. 

Stirling, Earl of, Monroe's service 
on his staff, 10 ; gives Monroe 
testimonials, 11 ; correspondence 
of Monroe with, 12, 15. 

Sumner, Charles, holds Monroe 
doctrine to proceed from Can- 
ning, 174. 

Swift, Joseph G., accompanies Mon- 
roe on voyage in North, 139 ; his 
career, 139. 

Talleyrand, Prince, on Spain's 
interest in Louisiana, 79 ; his rela- 
tions with Napoleon in 1803, 81 ; 
asks Livingston if United States 
wishes the whole of Louisiana, 
82 ; delays proceedings through 
jealousy of Marbois, 84 ; presents 
Monroe to Bonaparte, 88 ; his con- 
duct described by Livingston, 91 ; 
asked by Monroe to aid in secur- 
ing West Florida, 98. 

Texas, claim of United States to, 
renounced in Florida treaty, 184. 

Thiers, Louis Adolphe, on Monroe's 
conduct in France, 74. 

Thompson, Smith, secretary of navy 
under Monroe, 130 j appointed to 



INDEX 



311 



Supreme Court as a Republican, 
138. 

Ticknor, George, on Monroe's 
treachery to Pinckuey, G5. 

Tompkins, Daniel D., vice-presi- 
dent during Monroe's administra- 
tions, 128. 

Tucker, St. George, on numbers of 
forgotten yet eminent men in Vir- 
ginia, 2. 

Tuley, Mrs., describes Monroe's 
levee as President, 215, 21G. 

Tuyl, Baron, statement of Monroe 
doctrine to, by Adams, 172. 

(Jniversity of Virginia, services of 
Monroe, Madison, and Jefferson 
as regents of, IG. 

Virginia, forgotten statesmen of, 2 ; 
history of, during war of Revolu- 
tion, 11, 12 ; career of Monroe as 
leader in, 17 ; cedes Western ter- 
ritory to Congress, 23 ; confirms 
Nortluvest Ordinance, 2G ; insists 
on Mississippi navigation, 2G ; 
struggle in, over ratifying Federal 
Constitution, 28-33 ; ratifies con- 
ditionally, 30 ; elects senators, 33 ; 
twice chooses Monroe governor, 
35, 77 ; negro plot in, 35, 3G ; pre- 
pares to resist Federalists in 1800, 
37, 38 ; declares in favor of Madi- 
son for president over Monroe, 
105 ; Monroe a member of Consti- 
tutional Convention of, 231. 

Walker, John, named to succeed 
Grayson as senator, 33. 

War of 1812, declm-ed. 108 : ineffi- 
ciency of army in, 110, 111 ; con- 
duct of, condemned by Monroe, 
111-119; battle of Bl idensburg, 
services of Monroe at, 119-12G; 
Monroe's services in, as secretary 
of war, 12G, 127. 

Washburne, Elihu B., discovers 
French report of Monroe's ap- 
pearance before the convention, 
52 ; describes the accolade, 54. 



Washington, Bushrod, neighbor of 
Monroe, 5 ; original member of 
Phi Beta Kapi)a Society, 9. 

Washington, George, his birthplace 
near that of Monroe, 4 ; urges Vir- 
ginia to give Monroe a military 
appointment, 11 ; letter on inipcst 
scheme of 1785, 20 ; letter of Ran- 
dolph to, 22 ; iu Constitutional 
Convention, 28 ; his administra- 
tion opposed by Monroe, 33 ; 
threatened by Monroe with ex- 
posure of Hamilton, 34 ; appoints 
Monroe minister to France, 34 ; 
his reasons, 40 ; wishes to avoid 
war with France, 41 ; impoliteness 
of Monroe toward, G7 ; attacked 
by Monroe, G8 ; his comments on 
Monroe's attacks, C8, 7(}, 252-260 ; 
abused by Monroe's friends, 73 ; 
anticipates Monroe doctrine, 1G6, 
1G7 ; Monroe's attitude toward, 
234. 

Washington, William, at battle of 
Trenton, 10. 

Watson, E. R., describes Monroe's 
appearance, habits, and character, 
218-226. 

Webster, Daniel, not a leader in 
1817, 129 ; defends Monroe doc- 
trine in connection with Panama 
Congress, 177 ; on Monroe's im- 
partiality, 241. 

West, Benjamin, at Lee's suggestion 
makes vain attempt to paint Cam- 
den's portrait, G. 

West India trade, message of Mon- 
roe upon, 189, 190. 

Westmoreland County, the Athens 
of Virginia, 4, 5 ; Revolutionary 
spirit in, 5-7. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James, describes 
Monroe's gallantry at battle of 
Trenton, 10. 

William and Mary College, studies 
of Monroe at, 7 ; its wealth and 
history, 7, 8 ; students .ind profes- 
sors of, volunteer in 1776, 8. 

Williams, Colonel J. S., on battle of 
Bladeusburg, 120. 



312 



INDEX 



Winder, General William H., in 
command at Bladensburg, inter- 
fered with by Monroe, 119, 122, 
125 ; ordered to leave the field, 
125. 

Wirt, William, favors Madison for 
President in 1808, 105 ; attorney- 
general under Monroe, 129 ; his 
character and career, 134, 135 ; 
not a candidate for presidency, 
135 ; on Clay's claim for allow- 
ances from government, 135, 136 ; 



urges appointment of Kent to Su- 
preme bench, 138 ; describes Mon- 
roe's appearance and character^ 
213, 214 ; friendship of Monroe 
for, 226. 

Wolcott, Oliver, condemns Monroe's 
"View," 71. 

Wythe, George, Monroe dissuaded 
from attending his lectures and 
abandoning Jefferson's instruc- 
tion, 13-15 ; appointed delegate 
to Federal Convention, 28. 



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